.    .    LIBRARY    .    . 

Connecticut 
Agricultural  College 


VOL. in-312.   ... 

CLASS    NO.  1   >^  A  ->:«i  ^^ 


COST 


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DATE. 


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BOOK     151.223.H72    c.  1 
HOLLINGWORTH    #    VOCATIONAL 

.^SYCHOLOGY    ITS    PROBLEMS    AND    METHO 


■\ 


3    T153    DODOmii    3 


THE  CONDUCT  OF  MIND  SERIES 

EDITED   BY 

JOSEPH  JASTROW 


VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 


The  CoNDua  of  Mind  Series 

Edited  By  Joseph  Jattrow,  Ph.D. 

VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 
By  H.  L.  HoLUNGWORTH,  PhJD. 

CHARACTER  AND  TEMPERAMENT 
By  Joseph  Jastrow,  Ph.D. 

PSYCHOLOGY  IN  DAILY  LIFE 
By  C.  E.  Seashore,  PhJ). 

MENTAL    ADJUSTMENTS 

By  Frederic  Lyman  Wells,  PhJ). 

■raiBinimiiiiiiiiiiimiiiiiniiiiMiiimiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiniiiiiimiiiiiiiimiiiiiimiiiiiiiiiiimiiiimiiiiiiiniimmii 

D,  APPLETON   &  COMPANY 

PttbU.hers  NEW   YORK 


212 


VOCATIONAL 
PSYCHOLOGY 

ITS  PROBLEMS  AND  METHODS 


BY 

H.  L.  HOLLINGWORTH 

ASSOCIATE   PHOFESBOB   OF  P8TCHOLOGT, 
COLUMBIA  UNIVEBSITT 


WITH  A  CHAPTER  ON 
THE  VOCATIONAL  APTITUDES  OF  WOMEN 

Bt  LETA  STETTER  HOLLINGWORTH,  Ph.D. 

CLIHICAL  PSTCHOLOGI8T,  BELLEVUE  HOSPITAL,   i 
NEW  VOBK  CITY 


D.  APPLETON  AND  COMPANY 
NEW  YORK  LONDON 

1920 


COFTBIQHT.  1916.  BT 

m  APPLETON  AND  COMPANX 

nsn- 


Printed  in  the  United  States  of  America 


TO 

THADDEUS   L.  BOLTON 

FRIEND  AND  VOCATIONAL 
COUNSELLOR  OF  YOUTH 


If  is  our  business  to  make  hoth  a  science  and  an  art  of 
human  nature.  As  in  the  physical  world  we  select  first 
the  material  suited  to  our  purpose,  then  turn  the  iron 
into  steel  and  temper  the  steel  for  the  knife,  so  in  the 
ivorld  of  human  action  ive  must  learn  to  select  the  right 
man,  to  educate  him  and  to  fit  him  for  his  exact  task. 
This  indeed  we  try  to  do  in  all  our  social  institutions, 
religions,  commerce,  systems  of  education  and  govern- 
ment. But  we  work  by  the  rule  of  thumb — blind,  deaf 
and  ivasteful.  The  nineteenth  century  witnessed  an  ex- 
traordinary increase  in  our  knowledge  of  the  material 
world  and  in  our  power  to  make  it  subservient  to  our 
etids;  the  twentieth  century  will  probably  witness  a  cor- 
responding increase  in  our  knowledge  of  human  nature 
and  in  our  power  to  use  it  for  otcr  welfare. — J.  McKeen 
Cattell  ,  ' '  Homo  Scientificus  Americanus, ' '  Science, 
April  10,  1903. 


PREFACE 

This  book  has  developed  from  the  material  presented 
in  a  course  on  ' '  Psychological  Tests  in  Vocational  Guid- 
ance and  Selection"  which  the  writer  was  invited  to 
conduct  in  Teachers'  College,  Columbia  University.  The 
wide-spread  interest  in  vocational  psychology  which  has 
grown  up  in  recent  years,  the  eagerness  with  which  even 
the  most  superficial  and  absurd  systems  of  ''character 
analysis ' '  are  being  adopted  and  tried  out,  and  especially 
the  lack  of  references,  offering  conservative  evaluation, 
to  which  inquirers  may  be  directed,  have  made  it  seem 
advisable  to  publish  the  material  in  systematic  form. 
The  book  is  essentially  a  presentation  of  the  problems 
and  methods  of  that  branch  of  applied  psychology  which 
deals  with  individual  differences  in  mental  constitution. 
In  the  present  instance  only  those  differences  are  con- 
sidered which  may  seem  to  be  significant  in  determining 
the  individual's  choice  of  a  vocation,  or  in  influencing 
the  selection  of  workers  from  among  a  group  of  appli- 
cants or  candidates.  It  is  the  writer's  hope  that  the  book 
may  be  suggestive  to  the  individual  who  seeks  to  know 
himself  better,  helpful  to  the  student  and  parent  who 
may  desire  to  avoid  the  wiles  of  the  charlatan,  encour- 
aging to  the  investigator  or  counsellor  who  is  engaged 
in  carrying  forward  the  solution  of  vocational  problems, 
and  useful  to  the  practical  man  who  may  be  mainly 
interested  in  surrounding  himself  with  competent  asso- 
ciates and  employees.  To  all  those  whose  published 
works  are  referred  to  in  the  bibliography,  as  well  as  to 

ix 


PREFACE 

many  not  therein  mentioned,  the  writer  is  under  heavy 
obligations.  He  is  especially  indebted  to  Professor  F.  G. 
Bonser,  of  Teachers'  College,  for  the  original  invitation 
to  formulate  the  material,  and  to  Professor  Joseph  Jas- 
trow,  editor  of  the  ''Conduct  of  Mind"  series,  for  most 
patient  and  helpful  editorial  criticism  and  suggestion. 

H.  L.  HOLLINGWORTH. 

Columbia  University. 


CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  PAGE 

I. — Motives    and    Antecedents    of    Vocational 

Psychology 1 

II. — The   Search   for  Phrenological  and   Physi- 
ognomic Principles 21 

III. — The  Development  of  Psychological  Tests    .       57 

IV. — The  Psychographic  Methods 80 

V. — Special  Vocational  Tests  and  Methods   .      .    109 

VI. — Self-analysis    and   the    Judgment   of   Asso- 
ciates      122 

VII. — Experimental  Study  of  Self-analysis,  Esti- 
mates of  Associates  and  the  Results  of 
the  Tests 143 

VIII. — The    School    Curriculum    as    a    Vocational 

Test 174 

IX. — The   Determinants   of  Vocational   Aptitude    208 

X. — The  Vocational  Aptitudes  of  Women  .     .     .     222 

XI. — Theory  and  Principle  of  Psychological  Tests 

AS  Applied  to  Vocational  Analysis  .     .     .     245 

XII.— Conclusion 266 

Appendix 275 

Tests,  Blanks,  Standards,  Forms 283 

Index 303 

xi 


INTRODUCTION 

In  the  present  volume  Professor  Hollingwortli  makes 
a  distinctive  and  notable  contribution  to  applied  psychol- 
ogy. The  problem  is  an  ancient  one :  that  of  determining 
the  qualities  of  men  with  reference  to  their  fitness  for 
the  work  of  the  world.  The  general  problem  precedes 
the  special  one  alike  in  theory  and  in  practice.  The 
earliest  solutions  were  in  the  nature  of  ambitious  at- 
tempts to  read  the  ear-marks  of  mental  ability  in  outward 
signs ;  under  the  incentive  of  the  growth  of  science  these 
gave  way  to  such  systems  as  phrenology  and  physiog- 
nomy. Such  revelations,  decisive  if  sound,  proved  to  be 
vain  hopes  or  hopelessly  irrelevant.  The  impressionistic 
verdicts  gained  from  actual  experience  reflected  the  cu- 
mulative acumen  of  discernment  which  ever  was  and 
remains  the  issue  of  wisdom,  empirical  but  authentic.  It 
furnishes  suggestive  clues  to  investigation  and  a  check 
upon  its  results.  The  problem  came  to  its  own  when 
the  modern  science  of  psychology  gave  it  its  setting  in 
the  rapid  accumulation  of  knowledge  and  technique  for 
the  interpretation  of  mental  qualities.  It  at  once  estab- 
lished the  futility  of  ambitious  leads  and  the  necessity 
of  careful,  patient  and  discerning  analysis.  The  present 
volume  surveys  the  field  of  attained  results  and  the 
method  of  their  attainment,  in  this  engaging  research. 

Central  in  interest  and  promise  stands  the  psycho- 
logical test.  In  so  far  as  psychology  has  laid  bare  the 
fundamental  qualities  upon  which  achievement  depends, 

xiii 


xiv  INTRODUCTION 

its  application  has  developed  a  series  of  tests  to  deter- 
mine how  the  individual  compares  with  the  others  or  with 
the  average  in  respect  to  this,  that,  and  the  other  con- 
stituent quality.  Professor  Hollingworth  presents  the 
results  of  such  analysis,  both  in  relation  to  the  variety 
of  human  traits  and  in  the  grading  of  individuals  by 
reference  to  the  measure  of  the  quality  which  each  pos- 
sesses. The  enumeration  is  at  best  provisional,  but  in 
its  totality  cannot  go  far  wrong  in  establishing  the  mea- 
sure of  a  man.  It  includes  the  qualities  which  can 
hardly  be  determined  otherwise  than  by  an  impression- 
istic judgment,  as  well  as  those  appraised  by  actual 
achievement  under  test.  There  results  a  mental  scale 
of  general  ability,  adequate  to  gauge  normality  and  to 
suggest  practical  standards  of  superiority  or  deficiency. 

The  question  at  once  arises :  how  far  are  the  qualities 
desirable  for  this  or  that  vocation  of  a  general  order, 
and  how  far  are  they  specific  in  their  demands.  In 
this  respect  vocations  differ  widely.  The  musical  voca- 
tion exemplifies  a  specialized  profession  depending 
upon  a  proficiency  that  is  largely  a  dower  of  heredity; 
yet  within  this  field  the  psychological  test  has  proved 
its  efficiency  by  determining  the  still  more  specialized 
facilities  that  jointly  compose  the  psychology  of  the 
musician.  In  further  pursuit  of  insight  the  psychological 
laboratory  has  undertaken  to  analyze  the  qualities  needed 
for  the  several  specialties  of  modern  vocational  life,  by 
setting  up  ''test''  counterparts  of  practical  occupations, 
by  reducing  them  to  their  underlying  facilities,  by  test- 
ing the  correlation  of  quality  and  achievement,  and  by 
combining  the  clues  or  verdicts  of  several  methods.  Con- 
clusions depend  for  their  value  upon  logical  caution  and 
the  technical  methods  which  have  been  developed  to 


INTRODUCTION  xv 

meet  these  applications.  All  this  is  as  yet  but  a  pro- 
gram or  a  limited  beginning  in  its  execution;  but  it  is 
a  program  well  founded  in  principle  and  already  in  part 
available  in  practice. 

A  group  of  collateral  interests  supports  the  enterprise 
and  yields  valuable  results.  The  interest  in  unusual 
men  has  led  to  the  psychograph  or  psychological  analysis 
of  the  qualities  of  great  men,  as  an  individual  study. 
Men  fall  into  types,  by  temperament  and  achievement, 
by  heredity  and  career.  The  type  makes  definite  the 
larger  contours  of  human  differences  and  reveals  their 
specific  combination ;  the  charm  of  biography  is  psycho- 
logical as  well  as  historical.  The  vital  import  of  heredity 
— practically  expressed  in  the  eugenic  movement — finds 
recognition  in  the  study  of  correlation  of  traits  in  those 
near  of  kin.  Evolution  leads  to  prediction ;  early  taste, 
talent,  achievement,  precocity  foreshadow  ultimate  ca- 
pacity ;  we  learn  how  far  the  child  is  father  to  the  man, 
how  far  we  may  see  the  future  in  the  early  expres- 
sions and  with  what  limitations  the  environment  molds 
character.  The  most  valued  because  most  authentic  type 
of  biography  is  autobiography.  Self -analysis  is  intimate 
if  unreliable,  but  by  this  token  worthy  of  study.  Pro- 
fessor HoUingworth 's  contribution  to  the  measure  of 
reliance  to  be  placed  upon  one's  judgment  of  self  in 
comparison  with  one's  judgment  of  others  and  others' 
judgment  of  him  forms  an  interesting  original  study — 
one  of  many — incorporated  in  these  chapters. 

Of  distinctive  status  are  the  tests  of  ability  presented 
by  life  itself  and  by  the  conventional  institutions  which 
compose  the  social  environment.  The  processes  of  educa- 
tion, the  rate  of  advance,  the  comparative  readiness  with 
which  one  or  another  discipline  is  absorbed  and  mas- 


xvi  INTRODUCTION 

tered:  these  are  at  once  preparations  for  life  and 
accredited  tests  of  ability.  For  these  reasons  such 
*' school"  qualities  are  subjected  to  a  special  study;  and 
fairly  conclusive  results  indicate  to  what  measure  they 
must  be  supplemented,  if  not  superseded,  by  the  designed 
psychological  test,  to  meet  the  conditions  of  actual  selec- 
tion and  employment  of  men.  At  this  point  the  several 
methods  converge ;  for  the  vocations  have  a  vital  interest 
in  the  school,  as  has  the  school  in  vocational  application 
of  its  discipline  and  training.  The  actual  comparison 
of  results,  especially  by  the  method  of  correlation,  has 
already  established  the  degree  of  relation — and  even- 
tually of  cooperation — to  be  expected  of  the  two.  In  all 
these  ways  has  painstaking  method  supplemented  and  re- 
placed impressionism,  haphazard  opinion  been  supported 
or  overturned  by  accumulation  of  fact,  and  the  scientific 
approach  to  the  study  of  vocational  fitness  become  firmly 
established.  The  road  from  theory  to  practice,  if  it  is  to 
be  well  built  and  enduring,  must  be  laid  on  careful 
foundation.  To  such  an  end  this  volume  is  a  worthy  con- 
tribution. 

No  question  of  vocational  fitness  has  been  more  eagerly 
discussed  than  the  contrasted  fitness  of  men  and  women, 
and  the  consequent  basis  of  differentiation  of  career  de- 
sirable or  necessary  for  the  two,  both  as  wage-earners 
and  in  every  other  relation  of  life.  A  discussion  of  this 
problem  from  the  point  of  view  of  this  volume  is  wisely 
included,  and  in  turn  a  definite  negative  conclusion 
reached.  It  is  shown  that  in  the  main  capacities  tested — 
with  several  and  significant  exceptions — men  and  women, 
boys  and  girls,  are  comparable;  individual  differences 
outweigh  sex  differences.  The  interpretation  of  this  re- 
sult will  not  be  uniform,  even  when  due  allowance  is 


INTRODUCTION  xvii 

inade  for  the  range  of  tests  responsible  for  the  conclusion. 
The  biologist  will  continue  to  insist  upon  the  signifi- 
cance of  fundamental  differences;  the  experiences  of 
life  reinforce  as  they  express  the  fact  that  men  and 
women  live  with  as  well  as  upon  a  different  perspective 
of  psychological  equipment;  the  psychologist  may  sug- 
gest that  the  tests  and  comparisons— based  in  large  meas- 
ure upon  comparable  and  derivative  facilities — natu- 
rally bring  forth  the  parallel  measure  in  which  secondary 
qualities  yield  similar  issues.  It  must  be  noted  how 
largely  a  large  share  of  conventional  vocations  call  upon 
specialized  and  late  varieties  of  intellectual  traits;  for 
these  precisely,  men  and  women  may  have  comparaoie 
fitness,  while  none  the  less  psychologically  contrasted  in 
realms  closer  to  natural  function;  Women  have  proved 
that  they  are  as  fit  to  study — and,  if  you  like,  to  vote — 
as  are  men;  as  fit  to  enter  and  succeed  in  vocations  in 
terms  of  tested  qualifications.  How  far  the  less  measur- 
able and  collateral  qualities  make  them  fit  and  successful 
on  a  different  basis,  and  still  leave  them  contrasted  in 
fundamental  reactions,  is  a  very  different  question.  It 
is  well  to  understand  the  bearing  as  well  as  the  range  of 
the  ascertained  facts  of  the  case. 

The  modern  man  and  the  modern  woman  live  upon 
the  upper  ranges  of  their  qualities,  and  in  no  respect 
more  momentously  than  in  respect  to  those  qualities 
exercised  and  demanded  by  vocational  fitness.  In  the 
biological  sense  they  are  all  highly  specialized,  refined, 
derivative,  secondary  issues  of  qualities  that  had  a  lim- 
ited scope  in  the  primitive  form  of  life  in  which  the  race 
achieved  its  maturity  and  established  its  psychology. 
The  problem  of  civilization  is  to  train  these  original 
traits  of  man  to  the  specific  cherished  purposes  of  the 


xviii  INTRODUCTION 

work  of  the  world.  The  life  of  the  mind  is  as  highly- 
artificial  as  the  life  of  the  cities ;  for  such  is  the  condition 
of  the  twentieth  century.  Yet  the  primitive  man  sur- 
vives and  asserts  his  own ;  life  is  not  all  vocation.  Social 
and  industrial  complexity  dominates  the  expressions  of 
human  psychology.  To  unite  a  comprehension  of  their 
foundations  with  skill  in  applying  their  demands  is  the 
business  of  the  '* applied"  psychologist.  The  present 
contribution,  it  is  hoped,  will  prove  a  helpful  aid  to 
those  who  are  striving  to  understand  as  well  as  to  those 
who  must  apply  with  what  wisdom  they  command,  the 
available  resources  of  human  nature. 

Joseph  Jastrow. 


VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

CHAPTEE  I 

MOTIVES   AND  ANTECEDEN^TS  OF  VOCATIONAL 
PSYCHOLOGY 

VOCATIONAL  EFFORTS  OF  PRIMITFSTE  MAGIC 

Among  very  primitive  people  we  find  the  recog- 
nition already  established  that  the  course  of  the 
individuaPs  fortune  depends  on  two  distinct  fac- 
tors: external  forces  and  personal  characteris- 
tics. Individuals  similar  in  tj^e  experience  dif- 
ferent fortunes  because  of  the  different  external 
events  that  attend  their  respective  careers. 
Equally,  individuals  of  however  diverse  charac- 
teristics suffer  the  same  fortunes  at  the  hands  of 
some  common  or  identical  external  occurrence. 
Two  combatants  of  equal  skill  and  valor  are  ren- 
dered unequal  by  a  defective  lance;  two  runners 
equally  swift  are  made  unequal  by  a  pebble  in  the 
path;  a  vigorous  babe  fails  to  mature  properly 
because  of  pestilence,  war,  or  famine.  On  the 
other  hand,  both  old  and  young,  weak  and  strong. 


2  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

stupid  and  cunning,  are  alike  reduced  to  helpless- 
ness in  the  face  of  flood,  earthquake,  and  forest 
fire. 

Primitive  thinking,  in  its  attempts  to  control  the 
course  of  personal  fortune,  thus  had  its  attention 
directed  to  two  groups  of  factors,  each  of  which 
it  sought  to  control  by  such  means  as  it  could  at 
the  moment  devise.  A  very  early  stage  of  such 
thinking  took  the  form  of  the  belief  that  desire 
could  impress  itself  on  the  course  of  physical 
events  and  also  on  the  development  of  personal 
characteristics.  The  expression  of  desire,  either 
of  the  individual  immediately  concerned  or  of  oth- 
ers more  remotely  involved,  was  consequently  in- 
voked and  declared  in  more  or  less  emphatic  and 
overt  form  as  a  determining  factor  in  personal 
fortune.  In  many  cases  this  expression  was  given 
some  indirect  or  symbolic  form,  as  in  gesture,  rit- 
ual, tableau,  masquerade,  and  imitative  portrayal. 

On  the  side  of  physical  factors  this  attempt  took 
the  form  of  crude  magic,  adjuration,  sacrifice,  and 
incantation,  all  of  which  were  calculated  to  dis- 
pose the  physical  elements  favorably  toward  the 
individual  concerned  in  the  ceremonials.  Crude 
ritual  observances  and  ceremonies,  such  as  sacri- 
fice, mimicry,  and  tableau,  were  believed  to  influ- 
ence in  some  occult  way  the  growth  of  crops,  the 


MOTIVES  AND  ANTECEDENTS  3 

changes  in  weather,  the  health  of  enemies,  the 
movements  of  game,  the  supply  of  fish,  etc.  A 
typical  fishing  expedition  among  the  natives  of 
the  Caroline  Islands  aptly  illustrates  this  point  of 
view.  The  chief  ofiicial  is  not  an  expert  boatman 
nor  a  fisher,  but  the  medicine  man  of  the  tribe. 
He  owes  his  authority  not  to  his  knowledge  of  the 
habits  and  haunts  of  fish,  but  to  his  store  of  in- 
cantations and  exorcisms.  Various  rites  are  con- 
ducted before  embarking.  The  fishermen  must 
leave  the  island  without  speaking;  and  especially, 
the  purpose  of  the  expedition  must  not  be  men- 
tioned aloud.  A  ^'luck'*  formula  is  pronounced 
over  the  boat.  Sacrifices  of  special  foods  are  of- 
fered, lest  the  lines  be  broken  by  sharks  or  tangled 
in  the  rocks.  In  Mexico,  an  elaborate  pantomime, 
representing  the  harvesting  of  crops,  was  staged 
annually  at  a  religious  festival.  This  was  be- 
lieved sufficient  to  produce  the  good  crops  which 
were  desired  for  the  next  season.  Special  dances 
were  performed  by  persons  representing  the  vari- 
ous vegetables  which  were  particularly  coveted. 

Among  primitive  races  in  almost  every  part  of 
the  world  one  finds  magical  properties  attributed 
to  a  sort  of  toy  which  anthropologists  call  the 
*^bull  roarer.''  It  consists  merely  of  a  flat  stick, 
attached  to  the  end  of  a  cord.     When  whirled 


4  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

around  it  produces  a  roaring  or  humming  sound 
which  easily  reminds  one  of  the  rumble  of  wind, 
the  roll  of  thunder,  or  the  distant  cry  of  an  ani- 
mal. In  various  quarters  this  instrument  is  used 
in  a  ceremonial  way.  Since  its  sound  resembles 
thunder,  it  is  used  as  a  charm  against  that  form 
of  physical  violence.  Because  of  its  resemblance 
to  both  thunder  and  wind,  it  is  incorporated  in 
elaborate  rain-making  mysteries.  Sometimes  it  is 
used  to  drive  or  call  wild  or  domesticated  animals, 
and  hence  comes  to  be  used  as  a  means  of  bringing 
luck  to  hunters.  Figures  and  emblems,  carved  on 
the  slab  of  wood,  are  supposed  to  specify  the  par- 
ticular kind  of  luck  or  fortune  which  the  individ- 
ual seeks. 

On  the  side  of  personal  characteristics  the  same 
endeavor  took  the  form  of  blessings,  incantations, 
dedications,  curses,  prayers  and  petitions,  the 
wearing  of  symbolic  charms  and  the  submission 
of  the  infant  or  youth  to  a  variety  of  prenatal  and 
childhood  experiences  and  ceremonials.  Thus  it 
is  believed  that  by  appropriating  a  dead  man's 
spear  and  thereby  expressing  a  desire  for  his  skill 
and  valor,  these  traits  of  character  will  pass  to 
the  new  owner.  Boys  are  tossed  into  the  air  to 
make  them  grow  tall,  and  rubbed  with  crystals 
and  snake-skins  to  make  them  clever  and  intrepid 


MOTIVES  AND  ANTECEDENTS  5 

medicine  men.  By  scratching  lifelike  sketches  of 
bison,  deer,  and  fish  on  rocks,  walls,  and  weapons, 
the  savage  hunter  sought  to  acquire  otherwise 
unattainable  adroitness  and  success.  *  ^  Disease  or 
death  may  be  produced  by  operating  on  the  cut- 
tings of  a  person's  hair,  the  parings  of  his  nails, 
or  the  remains  of  his  food,  when  the  person  him- 
self is  far  away.  By  wearing  tiger's  teeth  a  man 
may  make  himself  brave  and  fierce.''  By  drink- 
ing the  blood  of  bulls  he  may  become  stalwart  and 
powerful.  The  Ojibway  Indian,  in  order  to  hurt 
his  enemy  and  thus  further  his  own  interests, 
makes  a  small  image  of  him  and  pierces  it  with 
a  needle  in  the  faith  that  the  enemy  will  suffer. 
In  order  to  terminate  the  latter 's  career  he  burns 
or  buries  the  effigy,  uttering  magic  words  as  he 
does  so. 

Remnants  of  this  primitive  magic  still  persist  in 
the  ^'psychological  underworld,"  and  many  an 
old-wives'  practice  and  incantation  is  in  various 
quarters  still  believed  or  professed  to  further  the 
course  of  the  individual 's  fortune,  or  to  jeopard- 
ize it,  by  rendering  natural  forces  more  benign  or 
malignant,  or  by  exerting  some  occult  molding  in- 
fluence on  the  infantile  abilities  and  propensities. 
Thus  it  is  not  at  all  uncommon,  even  in  these  days, 
for  children  to  be  dedicated  at  birth  to  the  min- 


6  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

istry,  the  missionary  field,  tlie  service  of  the  king, 
or  to  some  particular  cause  or  propaganda.  A 
woman  of  the  writer's  acquaintance,  solicitous  for 
the  future  welfare  of  her  babe,  read  solid  and  se- 
rious books  during  gestation  in  order  to  balance 
the  emotional  influences  due  to  her  absorption  in 
music  teaching  during  that  period.  Many  prac- 
tices of  the  most  superstitious  kind  are  resorted 
to  in  order  to  predetermine  the  sex,  and  hence  the 
vocational  prospects,  of  children  yet  unborn.  Ee- 
liance  on  prayer  as  an  effective  agent  in  changing 
the  course  of  events  or  the  disposition  and  habits 
of  some  other  individual  is  by  no  means  confined 
to  savages.  Petitions  that  a  neighbor  may  lose 
his  appetite  for  drink,  recover  his  lost  eyesight,  or 
find  his  wallet  are  as  current  in  modern  times  as 
are  official  days  of  prayer  for  rain.  Seeking  to 
influence  public  opinion  by  the  passing  of  formal 
resolutions,  and  modifying  character,  curing  dis- 
eases and  prolonging  life  through  *' absent  treat- 
ment, ' '  the  laying  on  of  hands,  the  contemplation 
of  relics,  visitation  of  shrines,  and  concerted  sup- 
plication, are  practices  which  find  high  warrant  in 
contemporary  life.  The  essential  idea  behind  all 
these  practices  seems  to  be  the  simple  faith  that 
nothing  will  interfere  with  the  realization  of  de- 
sire, if  only  that  desire  is  indicated  by  a  method 


MOTIVES  AND  ANTECEDENTS  T 

which  has  official  or  traditional  sanction.  The 
true  nature  of  cause  and  effect  and  the  conception 
of  natural  law  are  not  yet  realized  on  this  level  of 
thought. 

THE  PRACTICES  OF  MEDIEVAL  CLAIRVOYANCE 

A  more  advanced  stage  in  the  development  of 
such  thinking  is  indicated  by  the  recognition  that 
both  the  series  of  physical  events  and  the  indi- 
vidual endowment  follow  laws  which  transcend 
the  personal  desires  of  men.  Nature  comes  to  be 
recognized  as  a  system  of  facts  and  connections. 
Both  control  and  foresight  henceforth  seek  to  base 
themselves  on  the  utilization  of  these  stable  laws 
and  relationships.  Instead  of  willing  the  indi- 
vidual's  fortune  to  be  thus  and  so,  there  is  an 
earnest  endeavor  to  seek  for  signs  and  clues  of 
what  that  fortune  is  inevitably  destined  to  be. 
Fortune-making  becomes  fortune-telling.  The  ac- 
cidents and  accompaniments  of  birth,  the  mo- 
mentary positions  of  the  planets,  the  calendar 
incidents,  the  hour  or  day  of  birth,  the  local 
meteorological  conditions,  birth-marks,  stigmata, 
physiognomic  and  anthropometric  characteristics, 
the  folds  of  the  flesh,  the  lines  of  the  hand,  the 
mode  of  birth:  every  fact  that  can  participate  in 
a  relation  of  coincidence  with  the  birth  of  the  in- 


8  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

dividual  is  selected  as  a  sign  of  some  future  state 
of  affairs,  desirable  or  untoward,  in  the  fortune  of 
the  individual,  of  his  personal,  domestic  and  oc- 
cupational career. 

Thus,  in  a  recently  published  guide  to  character 
analysis  based  on  ancient  astrological  preten- 
sions, the  following  characteristics  are  asserted  to 
belong  to  those  who  are  born  in  the  month  of  Feb- 
ruary : 

**  Those  born  in  this  month  are  very  intuitive 
and  good  judges  of  character  and  human  nature. 
They  are  successes  in  mercantile  interests  and  en- 
terprises. It  is  said  that  the  best  wives  are  born 
in  this  month,  being  always  faithful  and  devoted. 
Great  -sincerity  and  power  are  possible  for  those 
born  in  this  month.  They  rise  to  great  heights 
and  on  the  other  hand  are  inclined  to  sink  to  the 
lowest  depths.  At  times  they  are  inclined  to  be 
melancholy,  a  tendency  which  they  may  overcome. 

*^Most  February  persons  have  good  taste,  are 
quick  at  absorbing  information,  and  intuitive. 
One  of  their  great  faults  is  that  they  are  inclined 
to  be  intolerant  and  cannot  make  themselves  think 
from  another 's  point  of  view. 

**  Their  most  common  diseases  are  of  the  nerv- 
ous and  rheumatic  orders.  They  should  guard 
their  actions  on  the  ninth  and  sixteenth  day  of 


MOTIVES  AND  ANTECEDENTS  9 

each  month.  Luck  day,  Saturday.  Favorite  col- 
ors, all  shades  of  blue,  pink,  and  Nile  green. 
Lucky  stones,  sapphire,  opal,  or  turquoise.  Lucky 
numbers,  5  and  7.  They  will  excel  in  music  and 
art,  and  should  marry  with  those  born  in  October, 
January,  or  June. ' ' 

Hardly  less  common  than  faith  in  the  horoscope 
is  belief  in  the  detailed  prophecies  of  palmistry. 
The  following  is  a  direct  reproduction  of  para- 
graphs from  a  well-known  metropolitan  American 
newspaper,  of  the  year  1915  (a.  d.),  headed, 
**What  Your  Fingers  Mean:" 

*^  Shorter  palm  and  longer  fingers,  these  show 
an  aptitude  for  doing  small  things  well.  Their 
owners  analyze  everything,  are  supersensitive 
over  trifles,  often  feeling  unintentional  slights. 
When  these  fingers  are  slim,  as  well  as  longer 
than  the  palm,  they  give  to  one  the  quality  of 
diplomacy.  Card  sharps  and  gamblers  have  these 
long,  slim,  smooth  fingers.  The  average-length 
fingers  with  an  ordinary-sized  palm  show  a  well- 
balanced  mind,  with  a  thoroughly  commonplace 
nature.  When  long  fingers  (with  shorter  palm) 
are  knotted  at  the  joints  we  find  an  extreme  love 
for  the  minor  parts  of  construction,  whether  it  be 
in  the  building  of  a  bridge  or  the  endless  tasks 
pertaining  to  a  kitchen.'' 


10  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

The  same  thing  happens  in  the  case  of  the  indi- 
viduaPs  own  acts.  Every  petty  move  and  caper 
is  taken  to  be  significant  of  his  future  disposition, 
powers,  or  achievements.  The  first  word  the  child 
utters,  the  first  object  for  which  he  reaches,  the 
animal  he  first  imitates,  the  form  of  his  earliest 
play  activities,  nothing  that  can  be  identified  and 
described  but  comes  to  possess,  in  someone's 
mind,  some  peculiar  significance  and  prognostic 
value.  ^*  Homely  in  the  cradle,  lovely  at  the  ta- 
ble," is  an  oft-quoted  maxim  among  hopeful 
mothers.  '  ^  Happy  is  the  bride  that  the  sun  shines 
on/'  has  doubtless  served  to  postpone  more  than 
one  nuptial  ceremony,  and  being  *^born  under  an 
unlucky  star ' '  has  equally  often  afforded  a  certain 
consolation  for  personal  awkwardness.  A  father 
of  the  writer's  acquaintance  believed  his  boy  des- 
tined to  follow  the  career  of  a  druggist  or  pharma- 
cologist, because,  as  a  child,  ^^he  was  so  fond  of 
playing  with  bottles  and  of  pouring  water  from 
one  into  the  other."  Any  lack  of  submissive  de- 
votion to  a  rubber  doll  is  calculated  to  fill  the 
parent's  heart  with  apprehension  and  dire  fore- 
bodings for  the  domestic  peace  of  his  daughter. 
War-babies  and  infants  born  on  the  high  seas  are 
envied  for  their  romantic  prospects.  Illegitimate 
children  are  expected  to  be  idiotic  or  else  to  be  es- 


MOTIVES  AND  ANTECEDENTS  11 

pecially  gifted  with  some  poetic  form  of  talent. 
Belief  in  vocational  magic  and  clairvoyance  is 
clearly  not  entirely  confined  to  medieval  days. 
Nor  is  it  true  that  such  instances  as  those  just 
cited  arise  only  as  material  for  frivolous  conver- 
sations or  as  journalistic  space-fillers  in  a  dearth 
of  more  serious  copy.  So  firmly  are  these  super- 
stitions established  among  large  classes  of  people 
that  special  legislation  is  required  to  prevent  their 
exploitation  at  the  hands  of  crafty  fakers.  The 
fortune-teller  is  far  from  being  a  romantic  and 
vestigial  institution;  and  the  type  of  prophecy 
which  medieval  clairvoyance  represents  continues 
to  provide  many  with  a  substitute  for  more  rigor- 
ous and  less  exciting  inquiry. 

MODERN  PERIOD  OF  GUIDANCE  AND  SELECTION 

However,  as  knowledge  develops,  a  third  stage 
is  reached,  in  which  we  may  be  said  to  be  moving, 
even  though  somewhat  slowly,  in  our  own  scien- 
tific and  educational  work.  This  stage  is  marked 
by  relative  inattention  to  the  series  of  physical 
events  and  by  special  emphasis  on  the  original 
nature  of  the  individual  and  on  changes  wrought 
in  that  original  nature  through  the  experiences  of 
school  life  and  other  forms  of  educational  process. 
The  conditions  and  environmental  factors  of  life 


12  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

have  become  so  plastic  that  individuals  can  fairly 
easily  find  congenial  environment  and  occupa- 
tional material  near  at  home  or  far  from  it,  if 
only  they  know  for  what  environment  and  mate- 
rial their  natural  powers  are  best  adapted.  Mod- 
ern life,  whether  in  city  or  in  country,  has  become 
so  diversified  and  labor  so  divided,  that  a  small 
community  affords  the  vocational  variety  which 
only  a  few  years  ago  was  quite  unfamiliar  to  it. 
Moreover,  the  various  avenues  of  communication, 
transportation  and  cooperation  have  become  so 
elaborate  that  workers  in  one  part  of  a  nation  can 
with  little  difficulty  profit  by  activities  and  oppor- 
tunities existing  in  distant  places.  Each  branch 
of  industry,  commerce  and  art,  as  well  as  each 
professional  and  occupational  activity,  provides 
not  only  for  a  larger  number  of  workers  but  for  a 
greater  variety  as  well.  There  is  thus  a  tendency 
for  the  individual  at  an  early  point  in  his  career, 
not  only  to  adapt  himself  to  an  environment  al- 
ready provided,  but  to  a  certain  degree  to  select 
that  environment  for  which  his  abilities  and  in- 
terests seem  best  to  fit  him. 

Attempts  at  controlling  fortune,  as  now  exer- 
cised, are  neither  magical  nor  clairvoyant.  They 
take  the  rational,  selective  form  of  fitting  the  in- 
dividual to  the  place  for  which  his  natural  apti- 


MOTIVES  AND  ANTECEDENTS  13 

tudes  best  adapt  him,  so  far  as  these  facts  of 
adaptability  are  discoverable,  and  so  far  as  the 
enviromnent  is  plastic  or  optional.  This  is  at 
least  the  description  of  the  process  in  democratic 
conditions  of  society.  In  countries  in  which  he- 
reditary aristocracy  and  caste  systems  still  exist, 
the  fortune  of  the  individual  is  determined  to  a 
considerable  extent  by  his  birthright,  by  the  oc- 
cupation of  his  father,  above  all  by  sex — all  domi- 
nated by  tradition.  Within  this  field  of  guidance 
and  selection,  activity  has  developed  rather  inde- 
pendently in  two  different  directions.  There  has 
been  on  the  one  hand  the  notion  that  all  the  in- 
dividual needs  for  a  satisfactory  occupational  ad- 
justment is  knowledge  of  available  opportunities, 
and  appropriate  technical  training  for  the  occu- 
pation of  his  choice.  This  point  of  view  is  seen 
in  our  own  country  in  the  popularizing  of  general 
education. 

Under  this  conception  general  education,  in- 
stead of  being  the  prerogative  of  the  ruling  or 
moneyed  class,  is  urged  as  a  common  right,  a  so- 
cial duty  and  an  economic  necessity.  Learning  is 
not  limited  to  those  who  expect  to  enter  the  theo- 
logical, medical,  legal,  or  academic  professions. 
A  certain  amount  of  elementary  school-knowledge, 
or  at  least  of  school-attendance,  comes  to  be  re- 


14  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

quired  of  every  prospective  worker.  Even  the 
feeble-minded  are  labored  with  in  the  attempt  to 
bring  them  np  to  their  highest  possible  academic 
level.  Boys  and  girls  alike  are  not  only  urged  but 
compelled  to  equip  themselves  with  the  knowl- 
edge of  the  elementary  formal  subjects;  and  the 
community  ta:xes  itself  to  furnish  the  teachers,  the 
books,  and  the  necessary  physical  paraphernalia. 
In  this  earlier  form  of  educational  theory  little 
effort  is  made  to  give  immediate  applicability  to 
the  subject-matter  of  the  curriculum.  Classical 
studies  with  very  little  relevance  to  contemporary 
life;  dead  languages,  with  only  a  feeble  claim  to 
concrete  serviceability;  formal  exercises  in  de- 
signing and  constructing  useless  bric-a-brac ;  triv- 
ial geographical,  astronomical,  anatomical,  and 
military  details:  these  are  the  subject-matter  of 
the  ** general  education."  Back  of  their  selection 
lies  of  course  the  doubtful  conception  that  the 
general  powers  or  faculties  of  the  student  are 
thereby  cultivated,  and  that  these  may  then  be 
brought  to  bear  effectively  on  any  vocational  ac- 
tivity which  may  be  chosen. 

The  subject-matter  is  selected,  not  because  of 
its  interest  or  its  utility,  but  mainly  because  of 
its  difficulty  and  its  formal  character.  P-arental 
compulsion,  vague  social  tendencies  and  impulses, 


MOTIVES  AND  ANTECEDENTS  16 

petty  personal  rivalries,  fondness  for  the  teacher, 
and  general  cultural  aspiration  are  relied  on  to 
facilitate  the  work  of  administration  and  to  pro- 
vide incentive.  The  *^ life-career'^  motive  is  but 
little  utilized,  and  tends  on  the  whole  to  be  dis- 
couraged as  sordid  and  commercial.  But  it  is  nev- 
ertheless believed  that  the  grammatical,  geo- 
graphical, historical,  and  arithmetical  elements 
will  in  the  long  run  enable  the  pupil  not  only  to 
enjoy  life  but  to  find  it  as  well,  or  at  least  to  be  of 
the  greatest  possible  service  in  the  work  into 
which  he  or  she  drifts.  Only  in  the  case  of  those 
who  are  utterly  incompetent  to  deal  with  the  gen- 
eral subject-matter,  the  feeble-minded,  the  blind, 
and  the  deaf,  is  this  formal  education  willingly 
abandoned  in  favor  of  some  definitely  serviceable 
*  ^  industrial ' '  training. 

THE  METHODS  OP  INDUSTRIAL  EDUCATION 

Quickly  following  this  effort  of  the  publio 
schools  to  guide  every  boy  and  a  few  girls  into 
successful  careers  through  general  education, 
came  the  realization  that  literary,  linguistic,  and 
mathematical  information  alone  is  inadequate  to 
this  task.  It  was  felt  by  many  that  industrial  or 
vocational  education,  calculated  to  fit  the  individ- 
ual directly  for  his  or  her  life  occupation,  should 


16  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

be  begun  at  a  mucb  earlier  age  than  that  at  which 
the  group  choosing  the  professions  entered  upon 
their  further  studies  in  the  higher  technical 
schools.  It  became  obvious  that  many  pupils  ter- 
minated their  public-school  education  as  soon  as 
they  had  satisfied  the  minimal  requirements  of  the 
compulsory  education  law.  These  engaged  at  the 
earliest  possible  opportunity  in  some  immediately 
gainful  occupation.  The  occupations  into  which 
they  commonly  drifted  were  such  as  called  for 
only  a  slight  amount  of  intelligence  and  promised 
proportionately  little  by  way  of  further  equip- 
ment or  promotion.  They  have  come  to  be  called 
*^ blind  alley"  occupations,  and  refer  to  such  work 
as  that  of  errand  boys,  elevator  and  telephone 
operators,  small  clerks,  domestic  servants,  nurse- 
maids, messengers,  delivery  boys,  and  teamsters. 
Meanwhile  those  who  had  continued  in  school 
and  completed  the  high-school  curriculum  emerged 
without  special  vocational  fitness,  and  even  with- 
out any  knowledge  of  the  vocational  possibilities 
of  their  age  and  locality.  The  further  develop- 
ment of  vocational  and  industrial  education  of 
special  sorts  was  then  supplemented  by  general 
instruction  in  the  vocational  opportunities  avail- 
able. Vocational  surveys  were  initiated  for  the 
purpose  of  acquiring  information  which  could  be 


MOTIVES  AND  ANTECEDENTS  IT 

placed  in  the  hands  of  pnpils  and  of  those  in 
charge  of  their  training.  These  surveys  made 
systematic  inquiry  into  the  vocational  opportuni- 
ties afforded  to  young  people  by  the  industries  and 
enterprises  of  the  vicinity.  The  assistance  of  em- 
ployers was  sought  in  the  effort  to  learn  the  re- 
quirements of  the  various  types  of  work ;  the  na- 
ture of  the  labor  involved ;  the  wages ;  the  general 
conditions,  such  as  healthfulness,  danger,  compan- 
ionship, and  instruction;  the  rate  of  promotion; 
the  prospect  of  future  advancement.  Such  infor- 
mation has  in  many  cases  been  published  in  pam- 
phlets and  bulletins  and  thus  made  accessible  to 
teachers,  pupils,  and  parents. 

Along  with  this  tendency  went  the  attempt  to 
give  the  pupil  some  first-hand  knowledge  of  and 
immediate  experience  with  the  materials,  imple- 
ments, and  products  of  the  various  industries 
from  among  which  he  or  she  might  be  expected  to 
choose  after  leaving  the  school.  This  has  been  a 
difficult  step  to  bring  about,  partly  because  of  the 
various  technical  and  administrative  difficulties 
which  it  involved.  Occasional  hasty  visits  to 
mills,  factories,  stores,  shops,  offices,  laboratories, 
and  similar  busy  places  give  the  pupil  but  a  su- 
perficial notion  of  the  actual  work  of  the  opera- 
tions there  observed.    More  extended  and  inten- 


18  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

sive  observation,  on  the  other  hand,  with  perhaps 
an  actual  trial  at  the  work,  means  a  corresponding 
limitation  of  the  range  of  institutions  inspected. 
Talks  by  managers  and  foremen  are  likely  to  give 
only  a  dramatized  view  of  the  facts.  School  in- 
dustries, on  the  other  hand,  cannot  easily  be  or- 
ganized and  conducted  in  a  manner  technically 
complete  and  industrially  representative.  The  re- 
sult has  been  a  growing  tendency  to  push  the  vo- 
cational training  further  and  further  back  into 
the  earlier  years  of  the  curriculum,  thus  displac- 
ing much  of  the  purely  formal  subject-matter. 
With  this  change  have  come  various  experiments 
in  study-practice  methods,  in  which  part  of  the 
day  or  term  is  spent  at  the  general  academic  work, 
and  part  in  actual  service  in  a  tentatively  chosen 
form  of  industrial  or  commercial  activity. 

In  this  movement  but  little  recognition  was 
given  to  the  psychological  differences  and  pecul- 
iarities of  the  individuals  concerned.  Knowledge 
of  personal  aptitudes  and  capacities,  interests, 
and  satisfactions,  was  more  or  less  taken  for 
granted  in  each  case,  or  at  least  left  to  develop 
in  its  own  way.  It  was  assumed  either  that  any 
individual  could  satisfactorily  pursue  any  voca- 
tion in  which  he  might  become  interested,  or  else 
that  industrial  and  vocational  information  alone 


MOTIVES  AND  ANTECEDENTS  19 

was  needed  in  order  to  enable  the  individual  to 
make  a  suitable  choice.  Nor  was  there  any  doubt 
that  the  work  which  the  youth  found  interesting 
and  attractive  at  the  time  was  the  work  in  which 
he  might  find  a  maximum  of  ultimate  success,  sat- 
isfaction, and  serviceableness.  With  the  voca- 
tional surveys,  the  industrial  schools,  and  the 
part-time  practice  methods  of  education  we  shall 
not  be  concerned,  in  what  is  to  follow.  They  rep- 
resent a  movement  of  tremendous  social  and  edu- 
cational significance,  but  their  development  does 
not  immediately  concern  that  other  field  of  work 
which  we  have  designated  *^  vocational  psychol- 
ogy." They  proceed  mainly  by  giving  the  indi- 
vidual a  knowledge  of  the  external  series  of  facts 
.and  events,  thus  replacing  the  era  of  fortune- 
telling  and  clairvoyance,  with  its  search  for  signs 
and  omens,  just  as  fortune-telling  had,  in  its  own 
day,  replaced  the  practices  of  crude  objective 
magic.  But  the  methods  of  industrial  and  occu- 
pational training  have  been  found  to  solve  only 
one  aspect  of  the  vocational  problem;  and  it  is 
more  and  more  coming  to  be  realized  that  a  thor- 
ough understanding  of  the  aptitudes  which  the  in- 
dividual brings  to  his  work  is  as  important  as 
the  knowledge  of  the  opportunities  which  the  en- 
vironment affords.    In  the  remainder  of  this  book 


so  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

we  siiall  be  concerned  with  the  various  systematic 
efforts  that  have  been  made  or  are  now  being 
made  to  study  the  individual  himself,  and  to  judge 
from  a  determination  of  his  mental  characteristics 
the  type  of  vocational  activity  which  he  is  best 
fitted  to  undertake  with  success. 


CHAPTER  II 

THE  SEAKCH  FOR  PHRENOLOGICAL  AND  PHYSIOGNOMIC 
PRINCIPLES 

THE  RISE  OF  EXPERIMENTAL  SCIENCE 

The  primitive  magic,  directed  toward  the  for- 
mation of  individual  character,  was  displaced 
by  the  personal  clairvoyance  which  attempted  to 
diagnose  the  individuaPs  mental  and  moral  con- 
stitution on  the  basis  of  his  own  early  acts,  ex- 
pressions, and  physical  characteristics.  This 
soon  gave  way  to  a  tendency  to  abandon,  for  the 
most  part,  such  signs  as  did  not  relate  in  some 
actual  or  fancied  way,  to  the  individual's  brain. 
This  limitation  of  the  field  of  significant  signs  may 
be  related  to  the  widespread  interest  in  human 
physiology,  historically  associated  with  the 
knowledge  of  anatomy.  The  invention  of  the  mi- 
croscope, Harvey's  proof  of  the  circulation  of  the 
blood,  the  discussion  centering  about  the  automa- 
ton theory  of  Descartes,  and  the  rapid  develop- 
ment of  surgical  technique,  brought  about  a  most 
interesting  spread  of  curiosity  concerning  the  na- 
ture and  mechanism  of  the  human  body.    Balls 

21 


22  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

and  tournaments  gave  way  to  dissections  and 
demonstrations  as  means  of  courtly  entertain- 
ment. Celebrated  surgeons  exhibited  their  skill 
and  knowledge,  and  lectured  on  the  facts  of  phys- 
iology and  anatomy  in  the  formal  presence  of 
royalty  and  society.  Court  painters  executed  pic- 
tures such  as  **The  Anatomy  Lesson,"  some  of 
them  now  cherished  as  famous  masterpieces. 

Especially  keen  became  the  interest  in  the  skull 
and  brain  in  which,  as  Descartes  taught,  might  be 
found  the  seat  of  the  soul.  Among  the  earliest  of 
the  rough  discoveries  was  that  concerned  with  the 
localization  of  special  sensory  and  motor  func- 
tions of  the  organism  in  particular  regions  of  the 
train.  It  was  observed  that  irritation  of  certain 
parts  of  the  surface  or  *^ cortex"  of  the  brain,  in 
cases  where  a  portion  of  the  skull  had  been  re- 
moved, was  followed  by  movement  of  particular 
parts  of  the  body,  and  that  individuals  who  had 
suffered  from  injury  to  certain  parts  of  the  brain 
seemed,  on  recovery,  to  be  quite  their  usual  selves, 
except  that  certain  special  capacities,  as  for  ia- 
stance  the  function  of  speech,  were  interfered  with 
or  quite  destroyed.  The  unitary  soul,  described 
by  Descartes  as  probably  having  its  seat  in  the 
pineal  gland,  now  bade  fair  to  disintegrate  into 
various  minor  faculties,  each  with  its  separate 


THE  SEARCH  FOR  PRINCIPLES  2S 

brain  mechanism  and  its  particular  abode  in  some 
region  of  the  skull. 

The  discovery  of  these  elementary  facts  of  brain 
localization  was  at  once  hit  upon  with  zeal  by 
those  most  interested  in  the  means  of  foresight 
into  human  fortunes.  Ignoring  the  fact  that  the 
localized  features  were  simply  the  control  of  other 
parts  of  the  body,  as  eyes,  ears,  limbs,  speech  or- 
gans, and  the  like,  these  enthusiasts  leaped  to  the 
conclusion  that  every  trait  of  character  and  every 
mental  aptitude,  every  virtue  and  vice,  ability,  in- 
terest and  capacity,  had  each  its  own  shelf  or  pew 
in  the  brain  area.  Moreover,  it  was  taken  for 
granted  that  the  relative  development  of  these 
various  characteristics  was  indicated  by  the  de- 
pressions, projections  and  proportions  of  the 
skull  bones.  Here  was  light  indeed  on  the  desti- 
nies of  men,  their  fitnesses  and  propensities,  their 
appropriate  choice  of  work  and  play !  The  enthu- 
siasm and  ardor  that  went  into  the  elaboration  of 
the  new  clairvoyance  of  phrenology  would  have 
meant  most  valuable  increase  in  our  knowledge  of 
brain  physiology  had  it  been  directed  exclusively 
toward  further  legitimate  inquiry.  But  the  ur- 
gent desire  for  control  and  foresight  was  too 
great  for  practice  to  keep  the  slow  pace  of  scien- 
tific fact. 


24  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

Hastily  the  prophets  drew  up  complicated  and 
minute  maps  of  the  surface  of  the  cranium  and  as- 
signed to  each  recognizable  patch  some  ^^ faculty'' 
which  stood  for  an  important  mental  or  moral 
trait.  Casual  examination  of  the  skulls  of  friends 
who  chanced  to  possess  particularly  marked  traits 
to  an  extreme  degree  was  in  some  cases  relied  on 
to  give  guidance  in  the  assignment  of  these 
patches  to  the  respective  traits.  In  some  of  the 
schemes  the  human  traits  conceived  were  so  nu- 
merous that  the  bilateral  symmetry  and  functions 
of  the  brain  were  ignored,  and  the  two  sides  of  the 
skull  were  assigned  quite  different  functions. 
Thus  arose  phrenology,  one  of  the  most  persistent 
fallacies  of  vocational  analysis.  This  movement 
was  founded  by  Gall  and  Spurzheim,  two  physi- 
cians and  anatomists,  in  the  latter  part  of  the 
eighteenth  century .^  With  the  customary  naivete 
of  the  medical  science  of  their  time,  they  overesti- 
mated the  significance  of  casual  observations  and 
fragmentary  discoveries,  and  thus  gave  impetus 
to  the  exaggerated  and  extravagant  claims  made 
by  their  enthusiastic  followers.    *  ^  Phrenological 

^An  interesting  review  of  the  origin  and  development  of 
phrenology  and  other  systems  of  character  analysis  is  given 
by  Joseph  Jastrow,  in  an  article  in  Popular  Science  Monthly, 
June,  1915. 


THE  SEARCH  FOR  PRINCIPLES  25 

societies ' '  developed  so  rapidly  and  so  widely  that 
the  movement  became  relatively  independent  of 
the  scientific  investigations  which  should  have 
served  to  qualify  and  criticize  its  doctrines.  Its 
propaganda  were  so  vigorous  and  the  practical 
needs  which  it  promised  to  satisfy  were  so  in- 
sistent, that  even  today  many  people  hold  tena- 
ciously to  its  dicta.  Scores  of  professionals  thrive 
on  their  lucrative  practice  of  its  dogmas,  and  uni- 
versity graduates  smile  in  a  guilty  way  when 
asked,  **Do  you  believe  in  phrenology  T' 

The  tenacious  persistence  of  phrenology,  the  de- 
gree to  which  it  is  resorted  to  and  paid  for  by  in- 
quiring and  earnest  seekers  after  satisfactory 
paths  through  life,  make  it  seem  worth  while  to 
present  a  brief  statement  of  the  numerous  errors 
and  flagrant  stupidities  on  which  the  practice  of 
phrenology  is  based.  It  may  also  be  worth  while 
to  suggest  some  of  the  rather  interesting  sub- 
sidiary reasons  for  its  persistence  as  a  cherished 
popular  delusion  and  even  as  a  topic  for  current 
scientific  discussions  and  papers. 

THE  ASSUMPTIONS  AND  ERRORS  OF  PHRENOLOGY 

Underlying  all  of  the  various  phrenological  sys- 
tems were  four  common  assumptions  whic\^ 
briefly  stated,  were : 


26  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

1.  That  such  cerebral  localization  as  exists  is 
of  fundamental  and  specific  traits  of  character  or 
types  of  ability,  such  as  secretiveness,  circumspec- 
tion, love  of  babies,  generosity,  veneration,  con- 
structiveness,  etc. 

2.  That  the  more  developed  any  one  of  these 
given  traits  is,  the  larger  will  be  the  supposed 
area  of  the  brain  which  contains  its  supposed 
organ. 

3.  That,  since  the  skull  fits  fairly  closely  to  the 
brain  surface,  the  relative  development  of  a  given 
portion  of  the  brain  will  be  indicated  by  the  rela- 
tive prominence  or  size  of  the  different  parts  of 
the  cranium,  so  that  the  degree  of  possession  of 
the  trait  may  be  judged  from  an  examination  of 
the  exterior  of  the  skull. 

4.  That  the  occasional  casual  observation  of  co- 
incidence between  particularly  marked  mental 
qualities  and  particular  cranial  characteristics  is 
a  sufficient  basis  for  inferring  universal  and  nec- 
essary connection  between  these  two  features. 

Each  of  these  assumptions  involves  obvious  er- 
ror and  misapprehension  in  the  light  of  what  is 
now  known  concerning  the  nature  of  the  human 
mind  and  the  structure  and  functions  of  the  brain. 
In  order  that  these  fallacies  may  be  clearly  dis- 
closed the  four  main  assumptions  will  be  exam- 


THE  SEARCH  FOR  PRINCIPLES  27 

ined  independently  in  the  order  in  which  we  have 
here  presented  them. 

1.  In  the  first  place,  the  only  sort  of  localiza- 
tion of  functions  that  has  been  authentically  es- 
tablished is  the  projection,  upon  the  brain  struc- 
ture, of  the  other  parts  of  the  organism,  and  the 
localization  of  sensory-motor  centers  which  func- 
tion in  the  connection  of  these  various  organs. 
Thus  it  is  known  that  each  of  the  principal  groups 
of  muscles  of  the  body  has  its  so-called  center  in 
the  brain.  From  this  part  of  the  brain  to  the  mus- 
cles concerned  run  bundles  of  motor-nerve  fibers, 
so  that  activity  in  that  particular  part  of  the  brain 
may  result  in  the  conduction  of  nervous  impulses 
to  these  muscles,  and  in  their  consequent  contrac- 
tion. Thus  the  hand,  the  foot,  the  eyes,  the  speech- 
organs,  etc.,  may  be  said  to  be  functionally  repre- 
sented, and  in  this  sense  localized,  in  particular 
regions  of  the  brain.  The  same  thing  is  true  of 
the  sense-organs,  as  the  eye,  ear,  etc.  Each  in- 
coming sensory  nerve  tract  runs  to  or  through 
some  portion  of  the  brain.  Injury  to  this  part 
of  the  brain  results  in  functional  incapacity  of  the 
corresponding  sense-organ.  The  cortex,  or  outer 
surface  of  the  brain,  may  thus  be  conceived  as  a 
sort  of  terminal  station  for  nerves  from  other  por- 
tions of  the  organism,  a  sort  of  projection-center 


28  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

which  enables  them  all  to  take  part  in  a  functional 
Tinity  of  action.  The  functions  which  can  be  said 
in  this  sense  to  be  localized  in  the  brain  are  such 
sensory-motor  capacities  as  the  ability  to  raise  the 
right  arm,  the  ability  to  balance  the  body  when 
standing  erect  with  eyes  closed,  the  ability  to  see, 
the  ability  to  move  the  eyeball,  the  ability  to  feel 
pain  in  a  certain  area  of  the  skin,  the  ability  to 
articulate  words,  to  understand  spoken  or  writ- 
ten language,  to  call  up  a  visual  memory  of  a  par- 
ticular thing  previously  seen,  etc. 

The  integrity  of  various  parts  of  the  brain  is  es- 
sential to  the  proper  coordination  of  all  the  sensi- 
bilities and  responses  of  the  individual.  Traits  of 
character  and  types  of  ability,  however,  depend 
on  the  characteristic  modes  of  reaction  of  the  or- 
ganism as  a  whole  to  the  factors  of  its  environ- 
ment. Thus  generosity  as  a  human  trait  does  not 
depend  on  the  massiveness  of  any  set  of  muscles, 
nor  on  the  keenness  of  any  sense-organ,  but  upon 
the  characteristic  type  of  reaction  and  motivation 
which  the  individual  as  a  whole  displays.  Jeal- 
ousy, love  of  children,  destructiveness,  etc.,  are 
characteristic  modes  of  behavior  of  the  whole  or- 
ganism, and  depend  upon  reactions  which  the 
given  situation  evokes,  and  not  upon  some  special 
organ. 


THE  SEARCH  FOR  PRINCIPLES  29 

2.  As  to  the  supposed  correspondence  between 
size  and  functional  capacity,  no  evidence  has  been 
presented  which  demonstrates  that  even  the 
strength  of  a  muscle  or  the  keenness  of  a  sense- 
organ  depends  in  any  way  on  the  absolute  size  of 
the  brain-area  concerned  with  it.  Nor  has  evi- 
dence been  presented  to  prove  the  existence,  with- 
in any  given  species,  of  correlation  between  vol- 
ume, shape,  or  weight  of  the  brain-tissues  and 
even  the  more  general  traits  of  character  or  abil- 
ity. In  the  absence  of  such  evidence  we  are  led 
to  believe  that  functional  capacity  depends  on 
complexity  of  structure,  chemical,  molecular,  and 
functional,  rather  than  on  the  factors  of  mass  or 
shape.  But  even  the  nature  of  these  correlations 
is  as  yet  largely  unknown.  The  persistence  of  the 
faith  in  the  significance  of  mass  and  shape  prob- 
ably rests  in  part  on  the  apparent  existence  of 
such  correlation  when  different  species  are  rough- 
ly compared  with  one  another.  Thus,  among  the 
higher  vertebrates  there  seems  to  be  a  relation 
between  what  we  may  call  the  general  intelligence 
of  the  species  and  the  erect  carriage  of  the  body. 
From  the  quadrupeds,  with  their  horizontal  posi- 
tion, through  the  apes,  with  their  semiperpendicu- 
lar  mode  of  life,  to  the  human  being,  with  his  erect 
carriage,  there  is  also  a  progression  in  promi- 


30  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

nence  of  the  forehead,  opposition  of  thumb  and 
finger,  relatively  greater  development  of  the  cere- 
bral mass,  and  also  in  mental  capacity.  The  in- 
telligent human  being  walks  in  a  more  erect  pos- 
ture than  does  the  stupid  ape.  But  no  one  has 
ventured  to  assert  that  a  relation  exists  between 
erectness  of  carriage  and  mental  ability  when  hu- 
man beings  are  compared  with  one  another,  or 
when  apes  are  compared  with  one  another.  Simi- 
larly in  the  case  of  the  physical  features  of  the 
brain,  the  crude  relationships  which  exist  empiri- 
cally, as  between  different  species,  seem  to  be  quite 
slight  in  significance  when  compared  with  the  dif- 
ferences in  chemical,  molecular  and  functional 
complexity  which  are  found  among  members  of 
the  same  species.  Attempts  to  discover  correla- 
tions between  mental  and  moral  characteristics 
and  various  brain  constants  we  may  expect  to  con- 
tinue for  a  long  time.  What  discoveries  may  be 
in  store  for  us  we  do  not  know.  But  the  important 
point  in  the  present  connection  is  that,  for  the  pur- 
poses of  vocational  psychology,  the  practices  of 
phrenology  are  based  on  evidence  no  more  rele- 
vant to  its  pretensions  than  were  the  ** proofs'* 
pointed  to  by  palmistry,  horoscopy,  and  prenatal 
magic.  Through  cranial  measurements  alone  it  is 
impossible  to  determine  with  certainty  the  race, 


THE  SEARCH  FOR  PRINCIPLES  31 

age,  or  sex  of  an  individual,  or  even,  indeed, 
whether  he  was  a  prehistoric  savage,  an  idiot,  or 
a  gorilla. 

3.  As  for  the  third  assumption  of  phrenology, 
namely,  that  brain  development  is  reflected  in  the 
cranial  size  or  protuberances,  it  should  be  suffi- 
cient to  point  out  that  even  if  this  were  so  it  would 
be  meaningless  for  our  purpose,  since  we  are  com- 
pelled to  abandon  the  belief  in  a  relation  between 
mass  of  tissue  and  even  the  simplest  sensory  or 
motor  capacity.  But  such  further  disproof  as  may 
be  required  is  readily  furnished  by  an  actual  at- 
tempt to  remove  from  their  cranial  boxes  the 
brains  of  various  animals,  and  by  noting  that  the 
shape  and  thickness  of  the  bones  gives  little  indi- 
cation as  to  whether  brain  tissue,  cerebrospinal 
fluid,  or  supporting  tissues  are  to  be  found  under- 
neath a  given  protuberance  or  depression. 

4.  The  fourth  assumption  of  phrenology,  that 
sparse  and  casual  observation  of  striking  cases  is 
sufficient  ground  for  generalization,  we  should  be 
able  to  dismiss  at  once  as  utterly  inadequate  and 
miscalculated.  It  is  impossible  to  find  consistent 
recorded  instances  in  which  groups  of  individuals, 
selected  at  random,  with  definitely  determined  and 
measured  mental  or  moral  characteristics,  have 
been  shown  to  confirm,  by  their  cranial  geography. 


3S  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

even  the  most  elementary  doctrines  of  that  phre- 
nology which  still  offers  to  diagnose  the  individ- 
ual's psychic  constitution  and  to  commend  to  his 
future  consideration  the  vocation  of  engineering, 
publishing,  or  preaching,  as  the  case  may  be. 
Practicing  phrenologists  have  repeatedly  been  in- 
vited to  submit  one  bit  of  objective  evidence  for 
their  pretensions,  or  to  submit  themselves  to  tests 
under  controlled  conditions.  The  invitations  are 
refused,  and  the  inquirer  is  referred  instead  to 
the  dogma  of  some  foreign  and  deceased  author- 
ity. Such  investigations  as  have  been  recorded 
have  resulted  in  negative  conclusions,  or  in  con- 
tradictory data,  or  in  coefficients  with  such  high 
probable  errors  as  to  make  the  figures  unreliable. 

THE  PSEUDO-SCIENCE  OF  PHYSIOGNOMY 

Very  often  practicing  phrenologists  and  phren- 
ological vocational  experts  seek  to  justify  their 
operations  and  pretensions  by  pointing  out  that 
they  do  not  rely  solely  on  the  cranial  geography, 
but  more  often  on  other  characteristics  of  the  in- 
dividuaPs  body,  such  as  the  concavity  or  convex- 
ity of  his  profile,  the  shape  of  his  jaw,  the  texture 
of  his  skin,  the  shape  of  his  hands,  the  color  of  his 
hair  and  eyes,  the  proportions  of  his  trunk,  etc. 
Contemporary  vocational  counsellors  who  have  en- 


THE  SEARCH  FOR  PRINCIPLES  33 

joyed  considerable  vogue  and  commercial  repute 
are  especially  given  to  citing  these  criteria;  sev- 
eral recently  published  tables  of  these  clues  are 
available.  Historically,  the  attempts  to  formulate 
principles  of  physiognomy  antedate  phrenology 
by  many  centuries.  Logically,  however,  physiog- 
nomy follows  phrenology,  as  a  transition  from  the 
formulation  of  structure  to  the  formulation  of 
behavior.  There  is  a  very  widespread  belief  that 
many  mental  and  moral  characteristics  betray 
themselves  in  special  facial  items.  The  shifting 
eye,  lofty  brow,  massive  jaw,  thin  lips,  large  ear, 
protruding  or  receding  chin,  dimple,  wrinkle,  tilted 
nose,  thin  skin,  prominent  veins,  and  many  other 
characteristics  have  come,  in  fiction  and  in  table- 
talk,  to  s^nnbolize  specific  characteristics.  The 
same  thing  is  true  of  the  shuffling  gait,  the  erect 
body,  the  protruding  paunch,  the  curved  shoul- 
ders, enlarged  knuckles,  stubby  or  elongated  fin- 
gers, the  short  neck,  the  long  arm,  and  the  man- 
ner and  rate  of  stride.  It  is  but  a  step  from  these 
to  the  signs  afforded  by  clothing,  its  selection, 
care,  and  mode  of  wearing. 

Here  is  indeed  a  most  confused  mass  of  fact 
and  fancy  which  finds  credence  in  varying  degrees 
on  diverse  occasions.  Seldom  has  it  been  an- 
alyzed into  the  definite  types  of  material  which  it 


34  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

really  contains,  and  its  evaluation  is  commonly 
left  to  tlie  hapliazard  opinion  of  each  individual. 
There  is  no  doubt  that  we  all  tend  to  form  our 
opinion  of  a  stranger's  probable  characteristics 
partly  on  the  basis  of  these  physiognomic,  phys- 
ical, and  sartorial  factors.  To  what  degree  can 
these  items  be  formulated  so  as  to  afford  reliable 
criteria  in  the  analysis  of  personality,  as  in  the 
case  of  vocational  selection  and  employment!  We 
may  perhaps  best  answer  this  question  by  noting 
the  various  sources  of  the  belief  in  the  validity  of 
physiognomic  and  similar  signs. 

1.  It  is  first  of  all  true  that  many  of  these  marks 
are  the  result  of  habitual  activity,  and  in  so  far 
as  they  originate  in  the  expression  of  a  trait,  they 
may  be  said  to  be  signs  of  it.  That  the  studious 
come  to  be  round-shouldered,  the  cheerful  to  have 
smooth  countenances,  the  guilty  to  have  furtive 
eye-movements,  may  well  be  expected.  But  it  is 
quite  another  thing  to  reverse  the  proposition  and 
to  take  stooped  shoulders  as  a  universal  sign  of 
academic  interests,  dimples  as  a  sign  of  guileless- 
ness,  and  nystagmus  as  the  symptom  of  a  crimi- 
nal past.  It  is,  however,  often  safe  to  use  these 
traits  as  reliable  signs  of  the  established  general 
habits  and  attitude  which  they  express.  We  have 
all  done  this  since  earliest  childhood;  yet  any  at- 


THE  SEARCH  FOR  PRINCIPLES  35 

tempt  to  classify  formally  the  signs  and  effects  of 
habit  and  constant  expression  would  be  pedantic. 
Unfortunately  for  the  purposes  of  vocational 
guidance  of  youth,  these  expressions  require  for 
their  formation  habits  of  fairly  long  standing,  and 
the  critical  period  for  psychological  guidance  is 
likely  to  be  passed  long  before  these  settled  habits 
have  set  the  features  into  their  identifiable  molds. 
Somewhat  more  hopeful  is  the  reliance  on  ex- 
pressive movements  as  indicative  of  passing  and 
transient  emotional  states  and  attitudes.  Not  eas- 
ily can  we  conceal  from  the  astute  observer  the 
momentary  passion  that  may  be  stirring  us.  Pro- 
longed intimate  acquaintance  with  an  individual's 
emotional  experiences  and  expressions  may  in 
time  reveal  to  such  an  observer  the  deeper  lying 
and  more  permanent  affective  trends,  the  moods 
and  sentiments  which  indicate  what  we  are  accus- 
tomed to  call  the  temperament  of  the  individual. 
Insight  into  the  nature  of  these  expressive  move- 
ments is  one  of  the  useful  things  to  be  derived 
from  long  and  patient  study  of  human  nature, 
both  at  first  hand  and  through  the  classical  de- 
scriptions of  emotional  expression.  The  more  one 
observes  and  the  more  individuals  he  observes, 
the  more  he  is  impressed  with  the  final  variety  and 
informal  complexity  of  these  expressive  move- 


S6  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

ments,  and  their  dependence  on  a  vast  detail  of 
circumstance,  wMcli  again  forbid  rule-of-thumb 
formulation. 

2.  Another  apparent  source  of  these  beliefs  is 
in  analogy.  The  clammy  hand,  the  fishy  eye,  the 
bull  neck,  the  ^* blotting  paper''  voice,  the  asinine 
ear,  the  willowy  figure,  the  feline  tread,  and  scores 
of  such  phrases  indicate  that  these  characteristics 
remind  us  definitely  of  various  species  or  objects 
other  than  the  human  being,  and  that  we  expect  to 
find  back  of  them  the  characteristic  traits,  habits, 
and  instinctive  tendencies  of  those  species.  We 
seldom  proceed  so  far  as  to  check  up  our  expec- 
tations with  facts,  under  coi).trolled  conditions. 

3.  The  affective  value  of  these  analogies  and 
their  inoorporation  in  poetry,  song,  and  fiction  as 
adequate  figures  of  speech  lead  us  to  react  to 
these  traits  in  ways  determined  largely  by  the 
traditional  usage.  "We  are  humble  before  the 
*^ high-brow/'  merry  in  the  presence  of  the  dim- 
pled, cautious  and  prudent  before  him  of  the  shift- 
ing eye.  In  so  far  as  human  reactions  are  deter- 
mined by  the  implied  expectations  of  associates 
and  the  demands  of  immediate  circumstances,  we 
should  be  surprised  indeed  if  the  ^'high-brow''  did 
not,  on  the  strength  of  his  cranium,  evade  our 
office-door  sentinel,  the  dimpled  one  respond  to  our 


THE  SEARCH  FOR  PRINCIPLES  37 

facetious  comment,  and  lie  of  the  shifting  eye  be 
forced  to  steal  for  a  living. 

4.  Another  source  of  these  notions  is  mainly  re- 
sponsible for  such  of  them  as  refer  to  definitely 
undesirable  traits.  This  is  the  belief,  so  well 
played  upon  by  the  school  of  Lombroso  in  crim- 
inology, that  many  of  these  characteristics,  along 
with  the  so-called  physical  stigmata,  are  indica- 
tive of  a  degenerative  or  atavistic  trend  in  the 
constitution  of  the  individual.  Among  these  stig- 
mata were  enumerated  every  conceivable  extreme 
variation  of  every  identifiable  part  of  the  human 
anatomy.  Lombroso  was  inclined  to  believe  not 
only  that  the  presence  of  such  traits  was  a  certain 
mark  of  criminal  propensities,  but  even  that  vari- 
ous types  of  criminals  could  be  recognized  by  the 
cataloging  of  their  stigmata,  as  thieves,  mur- 
derers, forgers,  etc.  The  history  of  the  criticism 
of  this  view  need  not  be  repeated  here.  Suffice  it 
to  say  that  we  now  understand  that  the  underlying 
truth  of  the  matter  is  only  that  these  stigmata  are 
somewhat  more  frequent  among  the  vicious,  de- 
generate, and  defective  groups  than  they  are 
among  people  selected  on  the  basis  of  their  moral- 
ity and  intelligence.  The  criminally  inclined  in- 
dividual may  possess  no  stigmata,  while  an  Abra- 
ham Lincoln  may  possess  several  of  them,  and  in 


38  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

marked  degree.  To  be  sure,  when  an  nnnsnal 
number  of  stigmata  are  presented  by  an  individ- 
ual, we  feel  disposed  to  suspect  that  the  abnormal 
condition  is  not  confined  to  his  bones  and  periph- 
eral organs  alone,  but  is  probably  so  deep-seated 
as  to  involve  his  nervous  system  as  well.  But  on 
the  basis  of  these  stigmata  alone  we  are  quite  un- 
able to  decide  whether  he  is  an  imbecile,  a  degen- 
erate criminal,  a  pervert,  a  genius,  or  only  an 
average  man,  with  an  undue  burden  of  physical 
infirmity;  still  less  can  we  diagnose  his  special 
mental  or  moral  qualities. 

5.  A  further  source  of  these  physiognomic  be- 
liefs may  be  discerned :  namely,  the  fact  that  the 
features  of  a  stranger  are  very  likely  to  call  more 
or  less  clearly  to  our  memory  some  other  ac- 
quaintance whose  traits  we  know,  to  our  sorrow 
perhaps,  and  whose  features  or  manner  or  voice 
or  apparel  chance  to  be  very  similar  to  that  of 
the  stranger.  At  once  we  are  inclined  to  endow 
the  stranger  with  the  character  of  the  individual 
he  resembles.  We  seldom  accurately  check  up 
these  impressions  on  the  basis  of  subsequent  dis- 
covery. Indeed  we  are  much  more  likely  to  evoke 
the  suspected  traits  by  our  own  attitude  and  by 
our  treatment  of  the  stranger,  and  we  are  eager 
to  pounce  upon  any  act  that  may  be  construed  as 


THE  SEARCH  FOR  PRINCIPLES  39 

a  confirmation  of  our  snap  judgment.  It  is  ob- 
vious that  these  impressions  will  vary  from  indi- 
vidual to  individual  and  that  any  attempt  to  for- 
mulate them  would  expose  their  fallaciousness. 

6.  Finally,  in  this  analysis  of  the  origin  of  our 
belief  in  the  signs  of  physiognomy,  is  the  mere  in- 
sistence that  as  a  matter  of  fact  there  are  defi- 
nite relationships  discoverable  and  formulable  be- 
tween typical  features  and  typical  characteristics 
of  personality.  Beliefs  of  this  dogmatic  kind  are 
most  likely  to  be  exploited  by  the  professional 
counsellor,  since  they  appear  to  the  examinee  to 
be  unknown,  mysterious,  esoteric  facts.  The  fol- 
lowing formulations,  taken  from  an  account  of 
the  performance  of  one  of  the  most  widely  adver- 
tised of  professional  vocational  counsellors,  may 
serve  as  an  example  of  this  type  of  dogmatic  phys- 
iognomic doctrine. 

*'The  sensitive,  delicate-minded  man  usually 
has  a  fine-textured  skin ;  the  coarse-minded  man  a 
coarse-textured  skin.  It  is  an  embryological  fact 
that  the  skin  was  and  is  the  original  seat  of  all 
sensations,  and  that  spinal  cords  and  nerves  are 
but  modified  and  specialized  in-turned  skin.  Of 
necessity  a  man's  skin  indicates  the  texture  of  his 
brain. 

*  ^  Texture  is  a  great  classifier  of  humanity.    The 


40  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

individual  of  fine  hair,  fine-textured  skin,  deli- 
cately chiseled  features,  slender,  graceful  body 
and  limbs,  as  a  general  rule,  is  refined,  loves 
beauty  and  grace,  and  likes  work  either  purely 
mental  in  its  nature  or  offering  an  opportunity  to 
handle  fine,  delicate  materials  and  tools.  On  the 
other  hand  the  man  with  coarse  hair,  coarse-tex- 
tured skin,  and  large,  strongly  formed  features 
inclines  as  a  general  rule  to  occupations  in  which 
strength,  vigor,  virility,  and  ability  to  live  and 
work  in  the  midst  of  harsh,  rough  and  unbeautiful 
conditions  are  prime  requirements. 

*^It  is  no  secret  to  observant  employers  of  labor 
that  blondes,  as  a  general  rule,  are  changeable, 
variety  loving,  optimistic,  and  speculative,  while 
brunettes  are  consistent,  steady,  dependable,  se- 
rious, and  conservative. ' ' 

*  ^  It  turns  out  as  one  might  naturally  expect  that 
the  man  who  resembles  the  greyhound  in  form  is 
quicker,  keener,  more  responsive,  and  less  endur- 
ing than  the  man  who  resembles  the  bulldog  in 
form. 

**A  most  cursory  examination  of  the  portraits 
of  poets,  educators,  and  essayists  will  show  a 
marked  tendency  in  them  to  resemble  the  triangle 
in  structure  of  the  head  and  body — ^both  head  and 
body  wide  above  and  narrower  in  the  lower  por- 


THE  SEARCH  FOR  PRINCIPLES  41 

tions.  An  examination  of  the  portraits  of  a  hun- 
dred great  generals,  pioneers,  builders,  engineers, 
explorers,  athletes,  automobile  racers,  aeronauts, 
and  others  who  lead  a  life  of  great  activity  will 
show  a  general  tendency  toward  structure  on  the 
lines  of  the  square — square  face,  square  body, 
square  hands.  Reference  to  the  portraits  of  great 
judges,  financiers,  organizers,  and  commercial 
kings  will  show  a  general  tendency  toward  struc- 
ture upon  the  lines  of  the  circle — round  face, 
rounded  body  and  a  tendency  to  roundness  in 
hands  and  limbs. 

*' Anything  which  is  hard  in  consistency  has 
comparatively  great  resistance  and  persistence. 
That  which  is  elastic  in  consistency  is  adaptable 
and  seems  to  have  spring,  life,  and  energy  within 
it.  These  principles  have  been  found  to  apply  to 
human  beings. '^ 

The  existence  of  quite  definite  beliefs  in  these 
relations  between  character  and  physiognomy  is 
readily  shown  by  experiments  in  which  groups  of 
ten  people  were  asked  to  arrange  twenty  photo- 
graphs of  women  in  an  order  of  merit.  On  dif- 
ferent occasions  and  by  varying  groups  of  ma- 
ture college  students,  these  photographs  were  ar- 
ranged on  the  basis  of  seven  dilf erent  traits,  viz. : 
intelligence,  humor,  perseverance,  kindness,  con- 


42  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

ceit,  courage,  and  deceitfulness.  Different  judges 
show  quite  striking  agreement  in  their  estimates 
of  the  characteristics  suggested  by  a  given  photo- 
graph. Thus,  if  the  average  position  assigned  to 
each  photograph  be  taken  as  the  standard  and 
the  divergences  of  the  ten  judges  from  this  stand- 
ard be  averaged  in  the  case  of  all  the  photographs, 
the  average  divergences  for  the  different  traits 
are  as  follows  ^ : 

^  To  make  clear  the  way  in  which  these  figures  are  secured, 
and  to  show  concretely  what  they  mean,  suppose  that  the 
twenty  photographs  are  lettered  A,  B,  C,  D,  etc.  They  are 
to  be  arranged  in  an  order  by  each  judge  according  to  his 
judgment  of  the  intelligence  of  the  individuals,  the  individuals 
being  unknown  to  the  judges.  Suppose  that  the  ten  judges 
place  photograph  A  respectively  in  the  following  positions: 
9,  11,  5,  8,  9,  12,  7,  8,  7,  14.  The  average  of  these  ten  posi- 
tions is  9,  which  we  then  take  as  the  standard  or  most  probable 
position  of  photograph  A.  Only  two  of  the  judges  actually 
place  A  in  the  ninth  position.  The  other  eight  judges  all  vary- 
more  or  less  from  this  position.  We  then  find  how  much  each 
judge  varies  from  the  average  of  the  group,  and  the  ten  varia- 
tions are  respectively  0,  2,  4,  1,  0,  3,  2,  1,  2,  5  positions.  The 
average  of  these  individual  variations  is  2.0  positions.  This  fig- 
ure indicates  how  closely  the  ten  judges  agree  in  their  estimates 
of  photograph  A,  a  small  average  deviation  indicating  close 
agreement.  In  this  way  we  find  for  each  of  the  twenty  pho- 
tographs its  average  deviation;  and  if  the  twenty  figures  thus 
secured  are  in  their  turn  averaged  we  secure  an  approximate 
measure  of  the  disagreement  of  the  judges  when  estimating 
the  intelligence  suggested  by  the  photographs.  Similarly  we 
may  compute  average  deviations  for  any  other  trait  which 
is  judged.     These  final  figures  are  the  ones  which  are  given 


THE  SEARCH  FOR  PRINCIPLES 


Intelligence 

2.86  places 

Perseverance 

3.32      " 

Kindliness 

3.55      '' 

Conceit 

3.57      '' 

Courage 

3.69      '' 

Humor 

3.90      '' 

Deceitfulness 

4.14      '' 

This  means  that  in  the  long  run  a  stranger  will 
place  a  given  individual  in  a  group  of  twenty  per- 
sons not  over  three  or  four  positions  away  from 
the  place  to  which  other  strangers  would  assign 
him.  The  individual's  physiognomy,  however  lit- 
tle it  may  actually  reveal  of  his  personality,  nev- 
ertheless suggests  rather  definite  characteristics 
to  those  whom  he  meets,  and  to  that  degree  deter- 
mines their  reaction  toward  him,  expectations  of 
him,  and  belief  in  him.  The  definiteness  or  agree- 
ment of  these  impressions  seems  also  to  vary 
with  the  trait  in  question;  it  is  high  for  intelli- 
gence and  perseverance,  low  for  humor  and  deceit- 
fulness,  and  intermediate  for  kindliness,  conceit, 
and  courage.  Our  own  results,  however,  must  be 
taken  only  as  suggestive,  rather  than  as  general, 
since  they  may  easily  have  been  determined  partly 
by  the  particular  set  of  photographs  we  used  and 
by  our  particular  and  diverse  sets  of  judges.^ 
in  the  table,  each  of  them  being  the  average  of  twenty  photo- 
graphs as  judged  by  ten  persons. 

^  In  such  experiments  the  actual  magnitude  of  the  measure 


44  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

Eesults  of  this  character,  and  many  similar  ones 
which,  we  are  accumulating,  suggest,  however,  an 
interesting  set  of  problems.  It  is  psychologically 
as  interesting  to  inquire  just  what  impressions 
people  actually  receive  from  one's  physiognomy 
and  expression,  as  it  is  to  ask  whether  these  im- 
pressions are  correct.  One's  ultimate  vocational 
accomplishment  often  depends  on  the  first  impres- 
sion he  creates,  the  type  of  reception  his  appear- 
ance invites,  even  though  there  may  be  no  neces- 
sary connection  whatever  between  appearance  and 
mental  constitution.  Vocational  success  depends 
not  only  on  the  traits  one  really  possesses,  but  also 
somewhat  on  the  traits  one  is  believed  to  possess. 

It  is  also  interesting  to  observe  that  high  corre- 
lations exist  between  some  of  the  traits  as  judged 
merely  on  the  basis  of  photographs.  Let  1.00  be 
taken  to  indicate  complete  correspondence  be- 
tween two  orders  of  merit,  so  that  the  highest  in 
the  one  scale  is  also  the  highest  in  the  other  scale, 
the  second  in  one  the  second  in  the  other,  and  so 
on ;  then  — 1.00  will  indicate  a  completely  reversed 
order,  the  best  in  one  class  being  the  poorest  in  the 
other,  etc.;  a  coefficient  of  0  will  mean  only  a 

of  variation  becomes  larger  as  the  number  of  judges  is  re- 
duced, the  number  of  photographs  increased,  or  the  photo- 
graphs so  selected  as  to  resemble  one  another  more  closely. 


THE  SEARCH  FOR  PRINCIPLES 


45 


jhance  relationship,  i.  e.,  none  at  all.  Then  from 
1.00  through  0  to  —1.00  we  have  represented  all 
possible  degrees  of  correspondence.^    These  fig- 

^  Since  such  coefficients  of  correlation  will  be  frequently 
used  throughout  the  book  as  measures  of  the  amount  of  corre- 
spondence or  relationship  between  two  things,  it  may  be  well 
at  this  point  to  indicate  briafly  how  they  are  computed.  Sup- 
pose that,  as  aiTanged  in  order  on  the  basis  of  their  final 
averages,  the  photographs  stand  in  the  following  positions  for 
the  two  traits — courage  and  kindliness. 


Photo 

Cour- 
age 

Kmd- 
liness 

d 

d2 

A 

2 

5 

3 

9 

When   the   several   values 

B 

5 

1 

4 

16 

under  d^  are  added  their 

C 

10 

13 

3 

9 

sum  is  376.     This,  multi- 

D 

1 

4 

3 

9 

phed  by  6,  according  to  the 

E 

7 

6 

1 

1 

formula,  gives  2256.     The 

F 

11 

8 

3 

9 

denominator  of  the  fraction 

G 

14 

10 

4 

16 

is,  since  there  are  20  cases, 

H 

20 

15 

5 

25 

7980.      Dividing   2256    by 

I 

16 

12 

4 

16 

7980  gives  us  .28;  for  7980  is 

J 

4 

2 

2 

4 

20  times  399,  which  in  turn  ii 

K 

8 

14 

6 

36 

202  —  1 .    When  this  is  sub- 

L  

3 

3 

0 

0 

tracted  from  1.00  it  gives  us 

M 

12 

20 

8 

64 

.72,  which  is  the  measure  of 

N 

15 

11 

4 

16 

correlation  between  the  two 

0 

17 

18 

1 

1 

orders .    Since  it  is  very  high 

P 

9 

7 

2 

4 

it   suggests   that   the   two 

Q 

6 

17 

9 

81 

traits  are  judged  in  much 

R 

13 

9 

4 

16 

the  same  way. 

S 

18 

16 

2 

4 

T 

19 

19 

0 

0 

A  formula  is  pro\dded  by  mathematicians  which  enables  us 
to  compute  the  degree  of  resemblance  between  these  two 
orders.  There  are,  in  fact,  several  formulae  for  such  pur- 
poses, all  of  which  yield  substantially  the  same  results.     The 


46 


VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 


ures  are  called  *^ coefficients  of  correlation,"  and 
can  easily  be  computed  by  proper  statistical  meth- 
ods. In  the  present  case  the  coefficients  for  all 
combinations  of  two  traits  are  as  follows : 


IntelH- 
gence 

Humor 

Perse- 
verance 

KindH- 
ness 

Con- 
ceit 

Cour- 
age 

Humor 

Perseverance. . . 

Kindliness 

Conceit 

Courage 

Deceitfulness. . . 

.47 
.88 
.76 
.28 
.89 
—.11 

.33 

.65 

—.03 

.43 

—.28 

.39 

.08 

.79 

—.02 

—.56 

.72 

—.69 

—.25 
.66 

—.49 

It  will  be  seen  that  the  intelligent,  humorous, 
persevering,  kindly,  and  courageous  countenances 
tend  to  be  the  same  ones,  and  that  the  faces  sug- 
gesting the  opposites  or  low  degrees  of  these 
traits  also  tend  to  be  very  much  the  same  ones. 


uiie  used  in  this  case  was       r  =  1.00  — 


62^2 


In   this 


n  (n2  -  1)' 

formula  r  stands  for  the  coefficient  of  correlation  for  which 
we  are  working ;  d  is  the  difference  between  the  positions  which 
each  of  the  photogTaphs  receives  in  the  two  traits ;  s  means 
the  sum  of  these  differences  when  each  has  been  squared  or 
multiplied  by  itself;  n  means  the  number  of  eases,  which  is 
in  this  case  20,  since  there  are  that  number  of  photographs. 
When  these  substitutions  are  made  and  the  equation  solved, 
the  result  will  be  the  measure  of  resemblance,  which  will  lie 
somewhere  between  -|-  I-^O  and  —  1.00,  as  explained  in  the 
text.  This  calculation  is  carried  out  here  for  the  two  sample 
traits,  for  the  convenience  of  readers  who  may  not  be  familiar 
with  statistical  methods. 


THE  SEARCH  FOR  PRINCIPLES  47 

This  is  indicated  by  the  high  positive  coefficients 
between  these  traits.  But  conceit  and  deceitful- 
ness  show  negative  or  very  low  positive  correla- 
tion with  all  traits  except  each  other.  In  this  lat- 
ter case  the  correlation  is  positive  and  high  (.66), 
Other  interesting  relations  between  these  judg- 
ments of  character  can  be  inferred  from  the  table 
of  coefficients.  But  it  should  be  remembered  that 
we  are  not  here  dealing  with  traits  as  demonstra- 
bly present,  but  only  as  judged  on  the  basis  of 
facial  characteristics  and  expression.  The  actual 
relation  between  the  physiognomic  details  and  the 
true  character  of  the  individual  displaying  them 
is  a  totally  different  matter.  The  close  correla- 
tions between  the  several  desirable  traits  and  be- 
tween the  several  undesirable  traits,  as  found  in 
this  table  of  coefficients,  seem  to  have  a  further 
significance  and  suggest  that  the  observers  do  not 
judge  each  trait  on  the  basis  of  particular  and  spe- 
cific physiognomic  details.  They  seem,  rather,  to 
get  a  general  impression  of  favorableness  or  un- 
favorableness,  and  to  rank  the  photographs  on  the 
basis  of  this  general  impression,  no  matter  which 
trait  is  being  judged. 

It  is  a  common  practice  for  employers,  superin- 
tendents, agencies,  etc.,  to  request  the  applicant 
for  a  position  to  send  his  or  her  photograph  for  in- 


48  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

spection.  The  urgency  of  some  of  these  requests 
and  the  emphasis  placed  on  them  seem  to  indicate 
that  the  photograph  is  believed  to  be  valuable  not 
only  for  its  service  in  revealing  the  general  fea- 
tures but  also  for  some  further  and  more  specific 
indications  which  it  affords.  Very  few  attempts 
seem  to  have  been  made  to  test  actually  the  value 
of  judgments  of  character  when  they  are  based  on 
photographs  rather  than  on  acquaintance.  Ex- 
periments recently  conducted  yield  some  interest- 
ing preliminary  data  on  this  question.  The  ques- 
tion proposed  was :  ^  ^What  relation  exists  between 
the  judgments  which  strangers  form,  on  the  basis 
of  an  individual's  photograph,  and  the  judgments 
which  acquaintances  make  on  the  basis  of  daily 
familiarity  and  long  observation V^^ 

All  the  members  of  a  group  of  college  women 
^ere  judged  by  twenty-four  of  their  associates, 
for  a  number  of  more  or  less  definite  characteris- 
tics. The  twenty-five  individuals  constituting  the 
group  were  arranged  in  an  order  of  merit  for  each 
trait,  by  each  of  the  twenty-four  judges.  Only 
one  arrangement,  for  one  trait,  was  made  by  any 

^  These  experiments  were  conducted  by  Lucy  G.  Cogan, 
M.  A.,  to  whom  I  am  indebted  for  permission  to  use  the  results 
in  advance  of  their  more  detailed  publication  in  her  forth- 
coming paper  on  "Judgments  of  Character  on  the  Basis  of 
Photographs." 


THE  SEARCH  FOR  PRINCIPLES  49 

one  judge  within  a  given  week.  The  judgments 
were  thus  distributed  over  a  considerable  interval 
so  that  judgments  for  one  trait  might  influence  as 
sKghtly  as  possible  the  judgments  of  later  traits. 
All  these  twenty-four  judgments  were  then  aver- 
aged for  each  trait,  and  the  final  position  of  each 
person  in  each  trait  thus  determined  by  the  con- 
sensus of  opinion  of  the  judges.  This  measure  is 
then  a  combined  estimate  on  the  basis  of  actual 
conduct  and  behavior. 

Photographs  of  all  the  members  of  the  group 
were  then  secured,  all  of  them  taken  by  the  same 
photographer,  in  the  same  style  and  size.  These 
photographs  were  now  judged,  by  a  group  of 
twenty-five  men  and  a  group  of  twenty-five 
women,  all  of  whom  were  totally  unacquainted 
with  the  individuals  who  were  being  judged. 
These  strangers  arranged  the  photographs  in  or- 
der of  merit  for  the  various  traits  of  character, 
just  as  the  earlier  group  of  judges  had  arranged 
the  names  of  the  members  of  the  group,  with  all 
of  whom  they  were  acquainted.  The  various  ar- 
rangements of  the  photographs  were  then  aver- 
aged, yielding  for  each  photograph  an  average  po- 
sition in  each  trait.  We  thus  have  three  measures 
of  the  group  of  college  women:  (1)  the  judg- 
ments of  their  intimate  associates;  (2)  the  judg- 


50 


VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 


ments  of  twenty-five  men,  on  tlie  basis  of  photo- 
graphs, and  (3)  the  judgments  of  twenty-five 
women,  on  the  basis  of  photographs.  All  of  these 
measures  may  be  compared  with  each  other,  and 
correlated  so  as  to  show  their  respective  amounts 
of  correspondence.    The  results  are  as  follows : 


Trait 

Judgments  by  Associates  Compared  with  the 
Judgments  of  the  Photographs 

By  25  Men 

By  25  Women 

Average 

Neatness 

.03 
.10 

.29 
.21 
.30 
.42 
.60 
.60 
.58 
.61 

.07 

.27 
.29 
.45 
.45 
.61 
.52 
.49 
.53 
.69 

.05 

Conceit 

.19 

Sociability 

.29 

Humor 

.33 

Likeability 

.38 

Intelligence 

.51 

Refinement 

.51 

Beauty 

.55 

Snobbishness 

Vulearitv 

.56 
.65 

Average 

.36 

.43 

.40 

The  correspondence  between  judgments  of  ac- 
quaintance and  judgments  of  photographs  is  seen 
to  vary  with  the  trait  in  question.  Such  traits 
as  neatness,  conceit,  sociability,  humor,  and  like- 
ability,  important  as  they  are  for  vocational 
success  or  failure,  show  very  low  correlation.  The 
judgments  of  the  photographs  tell  almost  nothing 
at  all  of  the  nature  of  the  impression  which  the 


THE  SEARCH  FOR  PRINCIPLES  51] 

individual  makes  on  her  acquaintances,  lier  true 
cliaracter.  With  the  remaining  traits — ^beauty, 
intelligence,  refinement,  snobbishness,  and  vul- 
garity— the  coefiicients  are  considerably  larger, 
and  suggest  that  the  photographs  tend  to  be 
judged  by  the  strangers  in  somewhat  the  same 
way  as  the  individuals  are  judged  by  their  ac- 
quaintances. 

Two  points  of  special  importance  should  be 
noted  in  this  connection.  The  first  is  that  these 
correlations  are  not  between  the  judgments  of  sin- 
gle individuals.  It  is  the  combined  or  group  judg- 
ment of  twenty-five  judges  which  is  required  to 
yield  these  coefficients  which  even  then  average 
only  about  .40  correlation  with  the  estimates  of 
associates.  The  following  table  shows  the  ability 
of  ten  judges,  chosen  at  random,  to  estimate  these 
characteristics  through  the  examination  of  the 
photographs.  In  securing  this  table  the  arrange- 
ment made  by  each  individual  judge  was  corre- 
lated with  the  established  order  as  determined  by 
the  estimates  of  associates,  in  the  case  of  the  three 
traits — intelligence,  neatness  and  sociability. 

These  random  samples  of  individual  judicial 
capacity  show  at  once  how  unreliable  individual 
judgment  is  in  these  matters.  The  individual 
judges  vary  widely  among  themselves  and  they 


52 


VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 


Judge 

Individual  Correctness  of  Judges  in 
Estimating 

Intelligence 

Neatness 

Sociability 

I 

.51 
.11 
.15 

—  .27 
.08 
.43 
.04 
.39 
.22 
.30 

.11 
.10 
.29 
.06 
.24 
.41 
.11 

—  .09 

—  .08 
.02 

.39 

II 

Ill 

.08 
.05 

IV 

V 

.49   • 
08 

VI 

.28 

VII 

.02 

VIII 

.32 

IX 

00 

X 

55 

Average 

.19 

.11 

.22 

also  depart  widely  from  the  established  order. 
Moreover,  a  judge  who  may  happen  to  show  a 
reasonable  degree  of  correctness  in  judging  so- 
ciability may  be  very  far  away  from  correctness 
in  judging  the  other  traits,  or  may,  indeed,  judge 
in  quite  the  reverse  of  the  correct  order.  To  have 
accepted  the  verdicts  of  a  single  judge  would  not 
only  have  been  manifestly  unfair  to  the  individual 
but  also  hazardous  to  the  employer.  The  com- 
bined impressions  of  twenty-five  judges  is  here  re- 
quired for  the  correlations  for  even  half  of  the 
traits  to  reach  over  .38. 

The  second  point  to  be  noted  is  that  even  under 
these  circumstances  the  coefficients  are  far  from 
perfect,  even  for  those  traits  in  which  they  are 


THE  SEARCH  FOR  PRINCIPLES  53 

the  highest.  Only  if  beauty,  snobbishness,  or  vul- 
garity are  the  traits  which  are  crucial,  are  judg- 
ments  of  the  photographs  reliable  enough  to  be 
worth  considering.  It  would  appear  that  the  voca- 
tions which  depend  markedly  on  these  characteris- 
tics are  exceedingly  few.  And  even  here,  although 
the  reliance  on  coefficients  of  .55  might  in  all  prob- 
ability aid  the  employer  in  decreasing  the  per- 
centage of  the  snobbish  or  the  vulgar  among  his 
employees,  grave  injustice  would  most  certainly 
be  done  to  those  many  individuals  who  constitute 
exceptions  and  keep  the  correlations  from  being 
perfect.  Only  when  correlation  coefficients  are 
very  high  can  their  indications  be  applied  in  the 
guidance  of  individuals  (as  distinguished  from  the 
selection  of  groups)  with  safety  and  justice. 

Dean  Schneider  reports  an  attempt  to  verify 
the  principles  of  a  certain  system  of  physiognom- 
ies by  putting  them  to  an  actual  test.    He  writes : 

'^A  group  in  the  scientific  management  field  af- 
firmed that  an  examination  of  physical  character- 
istics such  as  the  shape  of  the  fingers  and  shape 
of  the  head,  disclosed  aptitudes  and  abilities.  For 
example,  a  directive,  money-making  executive  will 
have  a  certain  shaped  head  and  hand.  A  number 
of  money-making  executives  were  picked  at  ran- 
dom and  their  physical  characteristics  charted. 


54  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

We  do  not  find  that  they  conform  at  all  to  any 
law.  Also  we  found  men  who  had  the  physical 
characteristics  that  ought  to  make  them  execu- 
tives, but  they  were  anything  but  executives.  A 
number  of  tests  of  this  kind  gave  negative  results. 
We  were  forced  to  the  conclusion  that  this  system 
was  not  reliable.  * ' 

We  must  content  ourselves  on  this  point  by  in- 
sisting that  the  formulated  facts  of  physiognomy 
are  so  unsupported,  contradictory,  and  extrava- 
gant that  the  vocational  psychologist  cannot  af- 
ford to  trifle  with  them.  General  impressions  on 
the  basis  of  the  totality  of  an  individuaPs  appear- 
ance, bearing,  and  behavior  we  shall  always  tend 
^0  receive.  Whether  one  judges  more  accurately 
by  an  analytic  recording  of  each  detail  or  by  ig- 
noring these  in  favor  of  his  own  more  or  less  un- 
analyzed  total  impression  has  never  been  demon- 
strated. Under  any  circumstances  one  is  likely 
to  look  about  for  such  details  as  may  lend  sup- 
port to  the  total  impression.  But  it  is  quite  un- 
justifiable— though  perhaps  commercially  expe- 
dient— to  pretend  that  the  judgment  is  really, 
based  on  the  details  selected. 

The  life  of  him  who  bases  his  expectations  of 
human  conduct  on  the  physiognomy  of  his  neigh- 
bors is  bound  to  be  full  of  delightful  as  well  as 


THE  SEARCH  FOR  PRINCIPLES  55 

fearful  surprises.  I  shall  never  forget  the  prac- 
tical lesson  in  the  principles  of  physiognomies  I 
learned  when  watching  a  shipload  of  immigrants 
pass  the  physical  and  mental  examinations  at  Ellis 
Island.  Admission  to  the  new  land,  and  to  the 
theater  of  their  vocational  plans,  depended  on 
the  results  of  these  examinations.  Ellis  Island 
is  perhaps  the  one  place  in  the  world  where  prin- 
ciples of  individual  psychology  are  most  in  de- 
mand, and  where  such  principles  as  are  relied  on 
lead  to  results  of  the  most  serious  human  conse- 
quences. I  watched  the  line  file  past  the  prelimi- 
nary gate,  by  the  inspectors  who  scrutinized  them 
still  more  carefully,  and  on  into  the  inner  room 
where  the  suspected  ones  were  submitted  to  more 
searching  examination.  One  young  woman  stood 
out  among  her  companions  as  easily  the  most 
comely  and  attractive  of  the  women.  She  was  the 
only  one  of  that  shipload  who  was  finally  certified 
as  an  imbecile,  and  refused  admission  to  the  main- 
land. 

The  physiognomic  analyses,  then,  do  not  merit 
serious  consideration  as  instruments  of  vocational 
guidance  and  selection.  The  mere  facts  of  physi- 
cal structure,  contour,  shape,  texture,  proportion, 
color,  etc.,  yield  no  more  information  concerning 
capacities  and  interests  than  did  the  incantations 


56  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

of  the  primitive  medicine-man  or  the  absurd 
charts  of  the  phrenologists.  In  so  far  as  charac- 
ter and  ability  may  be  determined  by  facts  of 
structure,  it  is  by  the  minute  structure  of  the  mi- 
croscopic elements  of  the  brain  and  other  vital 
tissues,  about  which  we  now  know  exceedingly  lit- 
tle. We  shall  therefore  dismiss  from  further  con- 
sideration the  futile  attempts  to  diagnose  mental 
constitution  on  the  basis  of  bodily  structure,  and 
turn  to  the  more  reliable  and  scientifically  con- 
ceived methods  of  inferring  the  individuaPs  men- 
tal traits  from  his  behavior  or  his  actual  perform- 
ance when  tests  are  made  under  controlled  condi- 
tions. 


CHAPTER  III 

THE    DEVELOPMENT    OF   PSYCHOLOGICAL.   TESTS 

ORIGIN  AND  HISTORY  OF  TESTS 

Barren  as  phrenology  and  physiognomies  were 
of  formulable  and  useful  results,  they  neverthe- 
less served  the  purpose  of  directing  attention 
toward  the  study  of  individual  differences  in  men- 
tal characteristics  as  a  distinct  branch  of  inquiry. 
The  next  step  consisted  in  the  semi-experimental 
plan  of  observing  the  individuars  behavior  under 
a  variety  of  uncontrolled  circumstances  or  on 
more  carefully  planned  occasions,  in  the  endeavor 
to  secure  more  or  less  exact  quantitative  expres- 
sions of  the  degree  to  which  he  displayed  certain 
types  of  ability.  Underlying  the  various  abilities 
and  involved  in  them  there  were  assumed  to  lie 
a  limited  number  of  faculties  or  powers  of  the 
mind.  Each  individual  was  conceived  to  possess 
much  the  same  faculties,  but  in  varying  degrees  or 
amounts  or  forms.  Attention,  memory,  appercep- 
tion, reasoning,  will,  feeling,  etc.,  were  the  funda- 
mental ^  ^  faculties '' ;  and  differences  in  character 
were  thought  of  as  depending  upon  the  varying 

57 


58  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

amounts  and  interrelations  of  these  fundamental 
faculties.  In  the  endeavor  to  discover  types  of 
experiment  which  would  measure  these  ''facul- 
ties'' it  was  found,  in  time,  that  a  given  ''facul- 
ty" did  not  appear,  on  close  examination,  to  be 
as  unitary  as  it  was  formerly  supposed  to  be.  It 
was  seen  that  to  have  a  good  memory  for  one 
kind  of  material  did  not  at  once  signify  a  good 
memory  for  every  sort  of  thing.  Determination 
in  one  direction  did  not  imply  the  general  quality 
of  resoluteness.  It  began  to  be  realized  that  at- 
tention, memory,  discrimination,  and  the  other 
"faculties"  are  very  much  more  highly  special- 
ized than  these  general  names  indicate.  The  uni- 
tary soul  had  early  been  split  up  into  the  list  of 
"faculties"  or  categories,  and  now  these  in  turn 
came  each  to  be  split  up  into  finer  and  finer  apti- 
tudes and  tendencies,  until,  in  the  radical  reac- 
tion of  recent  years,  we  find  the  human  mind  de- 
scribed as  made  up  of  an  infinite  number  of  inde- 
pendent connections  or  bonds  between  more  or 
less  specific  stimulus  and  more  or  less  definite  re- 
sponse. The  old  "faculties"  came  now  to  be 
looked  on  as  descriptive  terms  for  certain 
rather  general  and  abstracted  characteristics  of 
these  multitudinous  and  detailed  reaction  ten- 
dencies, rather  than  as  in  themselves  agents  or 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  TESTS  59 

powers  or  forces,  as  they  were  formerly  conceived. 
During  this  change  in  theoretical  description 
and  continuing  into  our  present  era  of  compro- 
mise and  revision,  methods  were  developed  of 
measuring  the  amount  and  quality,  or,  more 
simply  conceived,  the  speed,  strength  and  regular- 
ity of  mental  and  motor  ability.  Beginning  in  the 
form  of  -experiments  on  sensory  discrimination, 
reaction  time  and  imagery  type,  and  combined 
mth  physiological  measurements  of  motor 
strength,  rapidity  and  fatigue,  these  experiments 
developed,  in  certain  hands,  into  what  are  now 
known  as  *^ mental  tests.''  Since  the  principle 
and  method  of  mental  and  physical  tests  is  the 
chief  characteristic  of  the  present  status  of  voca- 
tional psychology,  and  since  the  work  of  the  im- 
mediate future  seems  destined  to  develop  mainly 
in  this  same  direction,  we  may  profitably  consider 
at  this  point  the  history  and  development  of  the 
mental  test.  "We  may  later  take  up  the  general 
principle  and  theory  of  the  test  as  an  instrument 
of  psychological  analysis  and  diagnosis,  with  spe- 
cial reference  to  the  requirements  and  implica- 
tions of  such  tests  as  may  be  of  service  in  voca- 
tional psychology.  We  shall  then  be  in  position 
to  review  the  special  vocational  tests  that  have  as 
yet  been  proposed,  to  evaluate  their  outstanding 


60  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

results,  and  to  point  to  some  of  the  more  immedi- 
ate prospects  and  problems  under  consideration 
by  those  interested  in  the  application  of  psycho- 
logical tests  in  vocational  analysis  and  guidance. 

We  may  begin  with  an  account  of  the  first  defi- 
nite attempt  to  explore  systematically  the  person- 
ality of  individuals  by  the  method  of  tests.  The 
'^Columbia  Freshman  Tests'*  are  of  especial  in- 
terest in  the  history  of  vocational  psychology, 
since  in  their  formulation  and  plan  explicit 
thought  was  given  to  the  practical  use  to  which 
the  results  of  tests  might  be  put  by  the  individ- 
uals examined,  and  by  the  statistical  study  of  the 
results  by  students  of  the  subject.  In  1894,  under 
the  guidance  of  Professor  Cattell,  there  was  insti- 
tuted the  plan  of  testing  the  students  of  Columbia 
College  during  their  first  and  fourth  academic 
years.  A  description  of  the  tests  employed  was 
published  by  Cattell  and  Farrand  in  1896,  and  a 
statistical  study  of  results  was  published  by  Wis- 
sler  in  1901. 

The  motive  back  of  these  tests  is  well  ex- 
pressed in  the  following  paragraph  which  was 
also  used  as  material  for  a  test  of  logical  mem- 
ory: 

^*  Tests  such  as  we  are  now  making  are  of  value 
both  for  the  advancement  of  science  and  for  the 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  TESTS  61 

information  of  the  student  who  is  tested.  It  is  of 
importance  for  science  to  learn  how  people  differ 
and  on  what  factors  these  differences  depend.  If 
we  can  disentangle  the  complex  influences  of 
heredity  and  environment  we  may  be  able  to  apply 
our  knowledge  to  guide  human  development. 
Then  it  is  well  for  each  of  us  to  know  in  what  way 
he  differs  from  others.  We  may  thus  in  some 
cases  correct  defects  and  develop  aptitudes  which 
we  might  otherwise  neglect.*' 

The  nature  of  these  Columbia  tests  and  the 
method  of  recording  and  reporting  them  are  indi- 
cated in  the  forms  which  were  printed  and  used 
for  this  special  purpose.  (Samples  of  these  are 
given  in  the  Appendix.)  They  are  given  here  not 
so  much  for  the  sake  of  the  enumeration  of  the 
tests,  since  many  of  these  are  no  longer  in  com- 
mon use,  but  because  of  their  historic  interests 
for  vocational  psychology  and  because  of  the  gen- 
eral plan  outlined  in  them.  In  general  this  plan 
is  that  of  accumulating  measurements  of  a  large 
number  of  individuals  and  thus  showing  each  one 
how  he  compares  with  the  normal  or  average,  or 
where  he  stands  in  the  general  curve  of  distribu- 
tion of  the  members  of  the  group.  These  tests 
were  applied  to  the  same  individuals  on  their  en- 
trance to  and  their  graduation  from  college,  in 


62  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

order  to  indicate  changes  that  might  have  been 
made  during  the  intervening  period. 

Especially  interesting  also  are  other  blanks  con- 
taining additional  data,  such  as  age,  health,  phys- 
ical characteristics,  physiognomic  features,  enu- 
meration of  stigmata,  etc.  In  addition  to  the  tests 
and  measurements,  the  examiner,  both  before  and' 
after  the  interview,  recorded  his  general  impres- 
sion of  the  individual,  in  the  terms  indicated  on 
the  blank  form.  We  shall  have  occasion  to  refer 
to  these  judgments  of  general  impression  in  more 
detail  when  we  come  to  consider  the  use  of  the 
interview  and  the  testimonial  in  vocational  psy- 
chology. Accoimt  was  also  taken  of  the  gym- 
nasium records  of  the  student,  as  to  nationality, 
birth,  parentage,  habits,  health,  etc. 

The  Columbia  tests  may  be  thought  of  as  repre- 
sentative of  several  similar  projects  developed  in 
this  country  and  in  Germany,  France  and  England 
by  many  workers.  The  names  of  Galton,  Cattell, 
Kraepelin,  Binet,  Henri,  and  Jastrow  stand  out 
conspicuously  in  the  early  history  of  mental  tests. 
The  first  step  was  thus  the  invention,  description 
and  trial  of  a  great  number  of  miscellaneous  tests, 
with  little  analysis  of  the  tests  themselves,  the 
nature  of  the  functions  tested  by  them,  or  their  re- 
lation to  each  other.     Aside  from  the  strictly 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  TESTS  63 

motor  and  physical  tests  those  devised  were 
mainly  of  so-called  intellectual  character:  meas- 
urements of  speed  and  accuracy  with  which  cer- 
tain definite  tasks  could  be  accomplished.  They 
were,  moreover,  very  simple  in  character,  not 
necessarily  related  to  the  work  of  daily  life,  with 
only  a  single  or  but  a  few  trials  made  on  each  indi- 
vidual. Tests  of  affective  and  volitional  factors 
were  slower  in  developing.  Little  account  was 
taken  of  interests,  instinctive  and  emotional  char- 
acteristics, attitudes,  adaptation,  methods  of  at- 
tack, limits  of  ability  after  practice,  or  many  other 
aspects  of  individuality  which  later  work  has 
shown  to  be  important. 

The  next  step  in  the  development  of  tests  con- 
sisted in  the  cooperative  effort  to  standardize  the 
nature  and  methods,  the  conditions  and  mode  of 
record.  Many  hands  had  part  in  this  process, 
until  in  recent  years,  through  publication,  com- 
parison and  discussion  of  the  subject,  fairly  uni- 
form principles  of  technique,  record,  and  treat- 
ment of  measures  have  been  agreed  upon.  This 
made  possible  the  comparison  of  results  secured 
by  different  investigators,  and  facilitated  the 
statistical  treatment  of  the  data,  so  that  later 
work  might  profit  by  what  had  already  been  tried 
or  accomplished  by  earlier  workers.    After  many 


64  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

years  of  tMs  sort  of  cooperative  work,  another 
series  of  studies  was  inaugurated  to  attempt  what 
has  come  to  be  known  as  '^testing  the  tests." 
These  studies  proceeded  by  examining  into  the 
degree  to  which  the  various  tests  correlate  with 
each  other,  with  other  indications  of  the  individ- 
ual's ability,  with  age,  sex,  health,  education, 
school  standing,  special  training,  etc.  Such  ques- 
tions as  the  following  will  suggest  the  problems 
involved  in  ^^ testing  the  tests.'' 

1.  Which  of  the  various  tests  correlate  with 
each  other? 

2.  "What  correlation  exists  between  mental  and 
motor  abilities  ? 

3.  Do  the  tests  measure  fundamental  qualities 
or  general  powers  of  the  individual,  or  specialized 
capacities,  or  perhaps  mainly  the  effect  of  gen- 
eral or  special  training? 

4.  If  they  measure  general  qualities,  which  of 
the  existing  tests  are  the  best  for  this  purpose  ? 

5.  How  many  trials  are  needed  to  afford  a  re- 
liable index  of  the  individual's  ability? 

6.  What  are  the  principal  incidental  factors 
that  influence  the  result  of  tests? 

7.  Which  tests  are  most  easily  influenced  or 
disturbed  by  extraneous  factors? 

8.  Can  tests  of  the  simpler  laboratory  type  be 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  TESTS  65 

used  to  indicate  the  individual's  ability  as  shown 
in  his  daily  work  and  play? 

9.  How  simple  or  complex  should  the  various 
tests  be  in  order  to  give  the  best  results  1 

10.  How  many  tests,  and  which,  are  required  to 
give  a  fairly  correct  picture  of  the  individual's 
psychological  make-up? 

11.  To  what  degree  do  preliminary  trials  indi- 
cate the  final  capacity  of  an  individual? 

12.  Does  the  intercorrelation  of  tests  change  in 
any  way  with  practice,  repetition,  and  familiarity 
with  the  material? 

13.  Just  what  mental  functions  may  the  par- 
ticular tests  be  said  to  measure  ? 

14.  How  important  are  these  functions  in  prac- 
tical, educational  aad  vocational  life? 

15.  By  what  amounts  and  in  what  various  ways 
do  individuals  differ  among  themselves  in  such 
abilities  as  the  tests  measure  ? 

16.  Are  there  other  important  aspects  of  psy- 
chological constitution  and  equipment  for  which 
there  now  exist  no  adequate  tests  ? 

The  investigation  of  these  numerous  problems 
has  resulted  in  the  accumulation  of  a  considerable 
literature  of  mental  tests.  Many  of  the  earlier 
forms  of  tests  were  abandoned  because  of  their 
unsatisfactory  or  meaningless  character.    Others 


66  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

have  been  retained  and  improved  in  form,  and 
many  new  ones  are  constantly  being  devised  and 
elaborated,  described  and  standardized.  The  pre- 
cautions to  be  observed,  the  instructions  to  be 
given,  and  the  methods  of  record  and  interpreta- 
tion have  been  presented  in  various  books  and 
manuals.  The  tests  have  been  developed  for  more 
and  more  complex  functions,  and  now  relate  not 
only  to  relatively  simple  capacities  but  to  highly 
elaborate  and  subtle  forms  of  achievement.  As 
rapidly  as  is  consistent  with  accuracy,  norms  and 
standards  of  performance  for  different  ages, 
school  grades,  vocational  requirements,  etc.,  are 
being  accumulated  and  reported.  Typical  charts 
of  age  norms  in  selected  tests  are  given  in  the 
Appendix. 

As  the  tests  have  thus  developed  they  have  been 
organized  for  a  variety  of  special  purposes,  such 
as  for  school  measurement,  educational  diagnosis, 
clinical  examination,  laboratory  experiment,  and 
more  recently  for  the  purposes  of  vocational  guid- 
ance and  selection.  Among  the  first  of  these  to  de- 
velop systematically,  and  also  the  ones  with  the 
most  immediate  vocational  application,  are  the 
graded  intelligence  scales,  which  shall  be  our  next 
concern. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  TESTS  67 

GRADED  INTELLIGENCE  SCALES  AND  NORMS 

An  important  step  in  the  history  of  general 
tests  is  represented  by  the  accumulation  of  norms 
and  standards  of  performance  for  the  different 
selected  tests,  and  the  arrangement  of  scales  of 
tests  with  increasing  difficulty,  as  further  aids  in 
fixing  the  individual's  status. 

After  a  standardized  and  tested  form  of  test 
has  been  selected,  norms  of  performance  are  ac- 
cumulated by  applying  the  test  to  large  numbers 
of  persons  of  the  same  general  type.  The  classifi- 
cation may  be  on  the  basis  of  age,  school  grade, 
occupation,  nationality,  etc.  In  this  way  it  be- 
comes possible  to  determine  for  a  given  individual 
how  he  compares  with  other  members  of  his  group ; 
whether  he  is  above  or  below  the  average,  and 
how  far ;  whether  he  would  belong  among  the  best 
ten,  or  the  poorest  ten,  or  the  third  ten,  etc.,  of 
one  hundred  selected  at  random.  Such  norms 
also  reveal  to  what  degree  the  tested  ability  varies 
with  the  other  factors,  on  the  basis  of  which  the 
group  was  selected,  as  age,  sex,  education,  size, 
health,  race,  etc. 

As  rapidly  as  reliable  norms  are  established, 
it  becomes  possible  to  select  for  each  age,  school 
grade,  occupation,  etc.,  a  set  of  tests  which  the 


68  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

average  person  of  that  age,  schooling  or  calling 
should  be  able  to  perform  to  a  certain  known  de- 
gree of  proficiency.  Failure  to  accomplish  this 
indicates  performance  lower  than  that  expected 
and  in  so  far  as  success  is  dependent  solely  on 
mental  ability,  indicates  inferior  capacity.  Sim- 
ilarly, ability  to  do  more  than  the  average  or 
normal  record  requires  indicates  a  capacity  that 
is  precocious,  rare,  and  superior. 

In  this  way  are  derived  standard  graded  scales 
which  represent  a  decided  advance  in  the  science 
of  psychological  diagnosis.  There  are  three  rather 
different  forms  in  which  attempts  have  been  made 
to  secure  such  scales.  In  one  form  the  scale  con- 
sists of  a  series  of  steps,  each  step  consisting  of 
different  sorts  of  performance;  that  is,  different 
tests  or  tasks  are  used.  These  tasks  are  arranged 
in  groups,  each  group  representing  tests  which 
should  be  passed  acceptably  by  individuals  of  the 
given  age,  school  grade,  etc.  In  another  form  of 
scale  the  t^^pe  of  task  is  the  same  throughout,  but 
the  different  points  on  the  scale  are  represented 
by  increasingly  difficult  specimens  of  material. 
The  scale  thus  presents  graded  steps  of  difficulty 
in  doing  the  same  general  sort  of  thing.  In  the 
third  form  the  task  remains  precisely  the  same 
throughout,  and  performance  is  measured  in  terms 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  TESTS  69 

of  the  time  in  which  the  task  can  be  completed  and 
the  accuracy  which  is  displayed.  Sometimes,  in 
scales  of  this  type,  although  the  instructions  are 
always  the  same,  the  test  is  performed  with  vary- 
ing degrees  of  approximation  to  a  qualitative 
standard,  and  the  steps  may  then  consist  of  these 
graded  qualitative  achievements. 

As  representative  of  the  first  form  of  scale  we 
may  refer  to  the  widely  used  Binet-Simon  scale 
for  the  determination  of  mental  age.  Whatever 
we  mean  by  intelligence,  it  is  a  characteristic 
which  is  essential  to  vocational  activity.  It  is 
furthermore  a  characteristic  which  normally  tends 
to  increase  in  its  degree  or  manifestation  from 
infancy  up  to  at  least  ten  or  twelve  years  of  age. 
Beyond  that  point  there  are,  to  be  sure,  striking 
individual  differences  in  that  characteristic  which 
we  call  intelligence,  but  beyond  this  point  it  does 
not  seem  so  dependent  on  the  physical  age  of  the 
organism.  Five-year-old  children  tend  to  be 
pretty  much  alike  in  intelligence.  At  least,  the 
change  from  five  years  to  seven  years  is  com- 
monly attended  by  very  apparent  growth  in  this 
respect,  and  a  five-year-old  is  more  like  other  five- 
year-olds  in  the  things  he  can  do  than  he  is  like 
seven-year-olds. 

Experiment  and  observation  show  that  the  ages 


70  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

up  to  ten  or  twelve  tend  to  indicate  rather  definite 
mental  status,  in  the  long  run,  although,  to  be 
sure,  children  of  a  given  age  vary  considerably 
from  one  another.  But  beyond  this  point  the  age 
of  an  individual  is  not  by  any  means  an  indica- 
tion of  the  sort  or  degree  of  ability  to  be  expected 
of  him.  The  further  we  go  beyond  this  point,  the 
less  significaQt  becomes  the  mere  statement  of  the 
individuars  age.  We  may  thus  indicate  the  men- 
tal attainment  of  a  child  of  less  than  twelve  years 
by  stating  the  average  age  of  children  who  can 
do  the  things,  know  the  facts,  display  the  abili- 
ties that  he  can.  This  figure  we  will  use  to  indi- 
cate his  mental  age  as  distinguished  from  his 
chronological  or  physical  or  actual  age.  A  record- 
blank  which  enumerates  the  tests  comprising  the 
Binet-Simon  scale  is  given  in  the  Appendix. 
Those  who  may  be  interested  in  using  this  or  sim- 
ilar scales  should  familiarize  themselves  with 
some  of  the  many  books  and  manuals  that  have 
been  written  concerning  them,  the  methods  of  us- 
ing them,  their  characteristic  results  and  their 
evaluation.  These  scales  will  be  again  considered 
in  a  later  section,  when  we  discuss  the  measures 
of  general  intelligence  as  they  relate  to  vocational 
guidance  and  selection. 
Other  scales  than  the  Binet-Simon  series  have 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  TESTS  71 

been  proposed,  and  this  series  has  itself  under- 
gone modifications  at  the  hands  of  later  investi- 
gators— changes  calculated  to  render  it  more  relia- 
ble and  adaptable.  Much  work  is  now  being  done 
in  the  attempt  to  develop  scales  or  sets  of  tests 
which  will  reveal  characteristic  differences  among 
people  whose  mentality  has  gone  beyond  the  point 
which  the  juvenile  scales  reach. 

The  work  of  Trabue  in  standardizing  the  '  *  com- 
pletion test''  so  that  individuals  may  be  quanti- 
tatively compared  on  the  basis  of  it  may  serve  as 
an  example  of  the  second  form  of  scale.  This  par- 
ticular test  consists  in  requiring  the  individual  to 
supply  meaningful  words  or  phrases  in  the  blank 
spaces  formed  by  mutilating  logical  text.  It  is 
similar  to  the  simple  exercise  sometimes  found  in 
elementary  text  books  of  grammar  and  spelling. 
It  seems  that  the  ability  to  supply  the  missing 
words  or  phrases  quickly  in  such  mutilated  ma- 
terial calls  for  the  exercise  of  a  type  of  ability 
which  correlates  to  a  high  degree  with  most  other 
measures  of  intelligence.  Individual  differences 
as  shown  by  school  grades,  age,  opinion  of  teach- 
ers, estimates  of  associates,  results  of  other  men- 
tal tests,  etc.,  are  readily  and  with  considerable 
reliabihty  revealed  in  the  individual's  ability  to 
perform  this  type  of  test.    This  investigator  has, 


72  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

after  much  preliminary  labor,  constructed  a  form 
of  this  test  in  Y/hich  the  material  gradually  in- 
creases in  difficulty  from  beginning  to  end.  Effi- 
ciency in  the  test  may  be  measured  by  the  point 
one  can  reach  in  the  text  in  a  given  time.  This  test 
has  been  standardized,  not  on  the  basis  of  physical 
age,  as  in  the  case  of  the  Binet-Simon  scale,  but 
on  the  basis  of  school  grade,  from  the  second 
grade  through  the  high  school,  some  four  or  six 
years  beyond  the  point  where  the  Binet-Simon 
scale  ceases  to  be  useful.  A  copy  of  this  test  is 
also  given  in  the  Appendix.  Those  who  wish  to 
use  it  should  consult  the  original  description  of 
it,  for  technique,  precautions,  norms,  and  inter- 
pretation. 

A  good  example  of  the  third  form  of  scale  is  to 
be  found  in  Sylvester's  standardization  of  the 
*  ^form-board''  test.  The  ^  ^form-board"  is  one  of 
the  most  useful  tests  in  detecting  intellectual  de- 
fect that  is  so  pronounced  as  to  constitute  the 
individual  a  ^'mental  defective."  Out  of  a  solid 
base  board  are  cut  various  geometrical  forms, 
such  as  diamonds,  stars,  squares,  triangular 
blocks,  etc.  These  blocks  are  placed  alongside  the 
base  from  which  they  have  been  cut.  The  task  is 
that  of  replacing  all  the  blocks  in  their  appro- 
priate places,  with  the  greatest  possible  speed. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  TESTS  73 

The  test  tends  to  reveal  characteristic  defects  in 
understanding  instructions,  perceiving  the  gen- 
eral and  specific  situations,  profiting  by  experi- 
ence, recognizing  form  and  size  and  other  space 
relations,  etc.  The  individual  may  work  blind- 
folded or  may  use  his  eyes. 

In  the  standardized  form  the  sizes,  shapes  and 
positions  are  uniformly  adopted  and  the  technique 
of  instruction  and  procedure  is  specified.  Under 
these  conditions  the  time  required  to  complete  the 
task  by  normal  children  of  the  ages  five  to  four- 
teen years  has  been  recorded.  Sylvester  presents 
a  curve  based  on  the  examination  of  1,537  normal 
children.  The  curve  shows  the  average  time  of 
performance  for  each  age  and  also  indicates  the 
range  of  performance  for  each  age.  In  the  case 
of  a  given  individual  it  is  thus  easy,  by  referring 
to  the  standard  table  of  norms,  to  determine 
whether  he  is  up  to  the  normal  record  for  his  age, 
w^hether  he  is  within  the  normal  range  of  varia- 
tion for  this  age,  and  how  deficient  or  precocious 
he  may  be  in  this  respect.  Tables  of  this  type  are 
now  being  accumulated  for  a  great  variety  of  sin- 
gle standard  tests. 

In  addition  to  scales  of  this  type,  which  proceed 
by  setting  for  the  individual  a  graded  series  of 
tasks  and  determinino;  his  success  in  their  accom- 


74  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

plishment,  there  is  a  further  type  of  graded  scale 
which  is  now  represented  by  several  standard 
specimens.  This  is  the  type  of  scale  which  is  de- 
signed to  afford  an  instrument  for  the  measure- 
ment of  such  products  as  the  actual  work  of 
the  individual  incidentally  yields.  Thorndike's 
*^ Scale  for  the  Measurement  of  Handwriting"  is 
the  model  on  which  many  of  the  later  scales  of 
this  type  have  been  based.  In  this  scale  actual 
specimens  of  handwriting  are  arranged  in  a  grad- 
uated series  in  such  a  way  that  the  steps  from 
specimen  to  specimen  are  equally  appreciable  or 
noticeable,  and  in  this  sense  uniform.  When  such 
a  scale  extends  from  an  actual  zero  point,  it  is 
possible  to  *' measure''  the  quality  of  handwriting 
in  quite  the  same  way  as  that  in  which  one  meas- 
ures the  height  of  an  individual  or  the  length  of  a 
table.  The  quantitative  measure  consists  in  the 
statement  of  the  number  of  stages  which  intervene 
between  that  quality  of  product  represented  by 
the  specimen  and  the  zero  point  of  the  scale.  The 
position  assigned  to  the  specimen  being  measured 
is  determined  by  moving  the  specimen  along  the 
graded  series  of  standards  until  a  point  is  reached 
where  the  specimen  seems,  on  the  basis  of  direct 
inspection,  to  belong.  Such  scales  have  been  for- 
mulated for  various  special  forms  of  school  work. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  TESTS  76 

such  as  liandwriting,  drawing,  aritlunetic,  literary 
composition,  mechanical  construction,  etc.  By 
such  means  it  is  possible  not  only  to  measure  the 
*^  general  intelligence ' '  of  the  worker,  but  also  his 
actual  ability  in  creating  a  definite  type  of  prod- 
uct. There  seems  to  be  no  limit  to  the  possibilities 
of  scales  of  this  form,  and  their  value  in  deter- 
mining the  more  definite  and  particular  capacities, 
whether  from  the  point  of  view  of  original  endow- 
ment or  from  the  point  of  view  of  the  effects  of 
training,  is  obvious. 

These  various  scales  for  measuring  general  in- 
telligence have  been  used  chiefly  for  the  purposes 
of  educational  diagnosis,  in  determining  the  de- 
gree of  backwardness  of  children  in  the  grades, 
their  need  for  special  educational  attention,  or  the 
hopelessness  of  further  pedagogical  effort  with 
them.  But  it  is  obvious  at  once  that  tests  of  this 
type  are  of  great  use  to  an  employer  in  eliminat- 
ing, from  among  the  candidates  for  work,  those 
who  are  hopelessly  mentally  defective,  feeble- 
minded, and  irresponsible.  There  are  many  sorts 
of  work  in  which  the  employment  of  feeble-minded 
persons,  unrecognizable  as  such  by  their  physical 
traits  or  by  a  casual  inspection,  not  only  entails 
loss  and  annoyance  but  may  constitute  a  positive 
danger  and  constant  menace  to  those  who  rely  on 


76  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

the  defective  individual.  Such  work  as  that  of 
delivery  boys,  messengers,  domestic  servants, 
nurses,  elevator  operators,  drivers,  motormen, 
etc.,  may  be  cited  as  instances  of  work  into  which 
the  feeble-minded  easily  slip,  unless  there  is  some 
standardized  means  of  recognizing  them. 

The  importance  of  detecting  these  incompetents 
and  keeping  them  from  work  in  which  their  irre- 
sponsibility means  economic  waste  and  personal 
and  social  danger  is  of  distinct  vocational  inter- 
est. Studies  of  cases  brought  to  the  Clearing 
House  for  Mental  Defectives  in  New  York  City 
show  that  of  the  first  two  hundred  and  eighty-one 
feeble-minded  women  of  child-bearing  age,  about 
two-thirds  had  been  engaged  in  some  form  of  eco- 
nomic labor  in  which  their  incompetence  was  dis- 
tinctly dangerous  to  those  associated  with  them. 
The  following  table  shows  how  these  two  hundred 
and  eighty-one  feeble-minded  women  had  been 
employed : 

Living  at  home  and  assisting  at  simple  tasks . .  94 

Domestic  service  (families,  bars,  hotels,  etc.) .  .  67 

Engaged  in  factory  operations 21 

Living  in  institutions,  reformatories,  asylums  20 

Prostitutes 30 

Laundresses 5 

Working  in  stores,  clerking,  errands,  etc 5 

Nursemaids 9 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  TESTS  77 

Odd  jobs 6 

Married  and  keeping  house. 11 

Housework,  with  relatives 13 

The  investigators  originally  reporting  these 
data  write  as  follows:  ^^ These  defective  women 
had  borne  eighty-nine  illegitimate  children,  which 
were  acknowledged  and  could  be  somewhat  defi- 
nitely located,  and  sixteen  women  were  illegiti- 
mately pregnant  at  the  time  of  their  examination 
at  the  Clearing  House.  Twenty-four  of  the  two 
hundred  and  eighty-one  had  married  and  these 
had  borne  forty-six  legitimate  children.  The  aver- 
age mental  age  of  the  illegitimate  mothers  was 
nine  years.'' 

The  employment  of  feeble-minded  women  as 
domestics,  factory  operatives,  laundresses,  clerks, 
and  nursemaids  constitutes  not  only  a  nuisance  to 
the  general  public,  but  a  real  source  of  inefficiency 
and  danger  to  the  community.  Graded  scales  for 
the  measurement  of  intelligence  will  have  amply 
repaid  the  labor  devoted  to  their  formulation  if 
they  aid  us  in  the  proper  segregation  and  voca- 
tional supervision  of  the  mentally  defective.  The 
feeble-minded  boy  is  more  likely  to  be  observed 
in  the  natural  course  of  things,  because  of  the 
more  strictly  competitive  types  of  work  into  which, 
boys  customarily  go,  but  it  is  far  from  realized 


78  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

how  mucli  loss  of  property,  life,  and  general  hap- 
piness is  entailed  upon  the  commnnity  by  the  in- 
discriminate employment  of  untested  boys  and 
men  as  floating  employees. 

But  the  vocational  value  of  the  graded  intelli- 
gence scales  and  norms  is  not  limited  to  the  work 
of  detecting  and  eliminating  the  feeble-minded. 
Many  of  the  tests  as  now  standardized  yield  meas- 
ures of  intelligence,  capacity  and  comprehension 
ranging  far  above  the  level  which  constitutes  the 
borderline  of  mental  defect.  Some  of  them  reach 
somewhat  higher  than  the  average  intelligence  and 
capacity  of  the  college  freshman.  It  is  thus  pos- 
sible, through  the  use  of  the  graded  scales,  to 
measure  in  quantitative  terms  the  general  intel- 
ligence as  well  as  various  more  special  capacities 
of  applicants  and  candidates  for  positions  for 
wliich  general  intelligence  is  the  chief  requisite. 
Such  tests  are  now  used  in  many  places  in  the  se- 
lection of  clerical  workers,  telephone  operators, 
stenographers,  waitresses,  motormen,  salesmen, 
office  help,  inspectors,  watchmen,  soldiers,  and 
special  types  of  factory  workers.  Thus  Trabue 
reports  a  study  in  which  Professor  Scott  tested 
thirty  efficiency  experts  employed  by  a  large  in- 
dustrial concern  in  New  England.  Ten  psycho- 
logical tests  were  used,  including  a  completion 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  TESTS  79 

test.  The  men  were  also  judged  on  the  basis  of 
their  relative  abilities  by  the  members  of  the  firm. 
The  combined  tests  correlated  with  the  combined 
judgments,  giving  the  very  high  coefficient  of  .87. 
The  completion  test  alone  yielded  a  coefficient  of 
.64.  From  the  point  of  view  of  vocational  selec- 
tion we  may  expect  the  principle  of  the  graded 
intelligence  scale  to  become  increasingly  valuable 
as  more  and  more  norms  are  established.  The 
first  definite  contribution  of  vocational  psychology 
is  thus  not  so  much  toward  the  guidance  of  the 
individual  worker  as  for  the  guidance  of  the  em- 
ployer who  may  be  required  to  select  from  a  num- 
ber of  applicants  those  whose  general  intellectual 
equipment  is  most  adequate.  But  we  shall  later 
have  occasion  to  point  out  a  further  contribution 
which  this  makes  possible,  in  so  far  as  it  may  en- 
able us  to  classify  the  operations  involved  in  vari- 
ous types  of  work  and  to  align  these  operations 
and  tasks  along  the  general  intelligence  scale. 
Such  alignment  will  enable  us  to  specify  the  ap- 
proximate degree  of  general  intelligence  which  a 
given  position  demands,  and  thus,  in  the  case  of 
the  simpler  tasks,  afford  a  means  of  vocational 
guidance  as  well  as  vocational  selection. 


CHAPTER  IV 

THE   PSYCHOGKAPHIC   METHODS 
THE  INDIVIDUAL  PSYCHOGRAPH 

Another  application  of  mental  tests  has  a  very 
direct  interest  for  vocational  psychology.  This 
is  the  method  of  the  ^^psychograph/^  as  it  is  com- 
monly called.  The  French  and  German  psycholo- 
gists especially  have  been  active  in  advocating 
the  practice  of  submitting  to  careful  and  detailed 
experimental  examination  the  physical  and  men- 
tal characteristics  of  men  who  have  achieved 
marked  success  in  their  chosen  vocations.  By  the 
application  of  this  clinical  method  to  men  of  su- 
perior attainment  it  is  hoped  that  light  may  be 
thrown  on  the  psychological  foundations  of  their 
genius  and,  in  general,  on  the  relation  between 
mental  traits,  as  shown  in  the  results  of  psycho- 
logical tests,  and  actual  success  in  life's  work. 
This  psychographic  method  represents  the  earli- 
est methodical  attempt  to  differentiate  the  various 
vocations  from  one  another  on  the  basis  of  spe- 
cial aptitudes  and  characteristics,  as  distinguished 
from  the  factor  of  general  intelligence.    Dr.  E. 

80 


THE  PSYCHOGRAPHIC  METHODS        81 

Toulouse  has  already  published  reports  of  such 
examinations  or  psychographs  in  the  cases  of 
Zola,  DaloUj  and  Henri  Poincare.  It  is  the  inten- 
tion of  this  investigator  to  continue  this  line  of 
work,  utilizing  from  time  to  time  such  refinements 
of  technique  as  may  be  available.  As  an  illustra- 
tion of  the  psychographic  method,  an  account  of 
the  study  of  the  eminent  mathematician,  Poincare, 
may  be  given  in  some  detail. 

The  investigation  of  Poincare  took  account  of 
such  special  topics  as  heredity,  development,  phys- 
ical condition,  sensory  acuity,  various  kinds  of 
memory,  attention,  imagery,  reaction  time,  asso- 
ciation of  ideas,  language  and  handwriting,  char- 
acter, habits  and  opinions.  Although  the  tests 
followed  a  technique  which  the  investigator  rec- 
ognized to  have  been  quite  imperfect  and  frag- 
mentary, they  are  said  to  have  yielded  results 
quite  sufficient  to  characterize  the  intellectual  type 
of  the  man.  The  account  of  the  tests  is  followed 
by  a  synthesis  in  which  is  attempted  a  general 
picture  of  Poincare 's  type  and  an  interpretation 
of  the  conditions  of  invention  and  speculative 
geniuSo 

From  the  point  of  view  of  heredity,  develop- 
ment and  general  vital  characteristics  Poincare 
was  found  to  resemble  most  his  mother  and  grand- 


7317 


82  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

motlier,  who,  with  collateral  relatives,  are  said  to 
have  shown  special  aptitude  in  mathematical  cal- 
culation. Several  male  members  of  the  family- 
have  had  successful  careers  in  neurology,  law, 
meteorology,  politics  and  mathematics.  Poin- 
care's  development  was  not  precocious,  although 
he  was  bright  and  showed,  when  quite  young, 
mathematical  ability  of  an  unusual  order.  His 
history,  up  the  age  of  thirty  years,  at  which  time 
he  was  elected  to  the  Academy  of  Sciences,  was 
not  unlike  that  of  many  other  mathematicians 
whose  freedom  from  the  necessity  of  experiment 
allows  them  to  make  rapid  progress.  He  was  at 
one  time  troubled  with  rheumatism,  and  in  his 
childhood  suffered  from  an  attack  of  diphtheria, 
followed  by  paralysis.  This  attack  is  said  to  have 
profoundly  modified  his  nervous  system,  perhaps 
providing  the  neuropathic  basis  for  traits  shown 
later  in  life,  such  as  awkwardness,  restlessness, 
flighty  attention,  distractibility  and  general  sen- 
sori-motor  deficiency. 

A  physical  examination  which  dealt  mainly  with 
anthropometric  measurements,  strength  tests, 
and  with  an  inquiry  into  habits  of  eating,  sleep- 
ing, and  the  use  of  narcotics,  revealed  nothing 
very  unusual.  Poincare  had  head  measurements 
somewhat  larger  than  the  average.    He  was  trou- 


THE  PSYCHOGRAPHIC  METHODS        83 

bled  with  indigestion,  also  with  insomnia.  He 
did  not  use  tobacco,  and  indulged  only  sparingly 
in  wine  and  coffee.  He  was  able  to  work  for  but 
four  hours  a  day,  in  two-hour  periods,  and  the 
tendency  to  automatisms  and  the  perseverance  of 
psychic  activity  compelled  him  to  cease  work  for 
some  time  before  retiring.  He  disliked  muscular 
exercise  except  for  the  automatic  processes  in- 
volved in  walking.  His  absent-mindedness  was  a 
matter  of  common  comment  among  his  associates. 
The  examination  of  his  sensory  and  motor  ca- 
pacity showed  Poincare  to  have  been  rather  feeble 
from  a  sensory  point  of  view.  Hearing  was  de- 
fective for  low  tones,  but  auditory  orientation  and 
localization  were  fair.  He  was  shortsighted,  but 
had  no  astigmatism;  tests  of  the  field  of  vision 
showed  no  abnormality.  Muscular  weakness  of 
the  eyes  was  present,  which  led  to  accommoda- 
tion spasms.  His  general  bodily  movements  were 
characterized  by  uncertainty,  irregularity,  awk- 
wardness and  hesitancy,  and  his  muscular  reflexes 
were  prominent. 

The  greater  number  of  the  tests  had  to  do  with 
more  strictly  mental  characteristics.  Poincare 
had  no  visual  images  or  memories,  except  in  the 
transition  state  between  waking  and  sleeping, 
when  he  had  frequent  visual  hallucinations  of  re- 


84?  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

markable  distinctness.  In  his  waking  life  he  re- 
lied chiefly  on  motor  images  and  tendencies,  think- 
ing of  geometrical  forms  in  terms  of  optical  or 
manual  movements.  He  had  no  visual ' '  schemes, ' ' 
but  represented  time,  in  his  thinking,  by  a  rota- 
tion of  the  eyes  on  their  axes.  In  his  youth  he 
had  pronounced  colored  hearing,  which  was 
evoked  not  by  the  form  but  by  the  sound  of  letters 
and  words.  He  had  no  other  synesthesias.  Tests 
of  recognition  memory  for  length  of  lines,  re- 
production of  drawings  seen  once,  etc.,  are  said 
to  have  shown  exceptional  memory  capacity.  The 
memories  were  held  with  the  aid  of  motor  imagery, 
and  the  reproduction  was  often  not  from  the 
image  but  on  the  basis  of  an  analysis  of  the  ma- 
terial which  had  been  presented  to  him.  He  had 
a  memory  span  for  digits  of  about  eleven,  as  com- 
pared with  the  ordinary  record  of  about  eight.  In 
the  case  of  letters  he  had  an  auditory  memory  span 
of  nine,  and  a  visual  span  of  seven.  Mechanical 
memory  did  not  seem  to  be  particularly  good,  and 
much  emphasis  is  laid  on  Poincare's  tendency  to 
use  memory  devices  when  remembering  this  non- 
logical  material;  he  employed  analysis  and  inci- 
dental schemes  whenever  possible.  He  had  a  ^  ^  re- 
markable f  acihty  in  mental  calculation, ' '  which  is 
said  not  to  be  the  rule  with  mathematicians.    In 


THE  PSYCHOGRAPHIC  METHODS         85 

tests  of  logical  memory  he  was  superior  to  both 
Zola  and  Dalou,  and  here  again  his  memory  was 
found  to  be  analytical  and  artificial  rather  than 
mechanical.  All  material  was  arranged  in  a  coher- 
ent scheme  or  system,  and  it  was  this  system, 
rather  than  the  material,  that  was  remembered. 

A  series  of  cancellation  and  reaction-time  tests 
showed  that  the  simple  sensory  reactions  were 
slower  and  more  regular  than  those  of  the  aver- 
age person,  but  the  motor  reactions  were  much 
quicker.  This  accords  with  previous  indications 
as  to  Poincare's  general  motor  type.  The  most 
significant  thing  about  the  reactions  is  said  to  be 
the  wandering  and  unstable  attention  which  they 
disclosed.  It  was  difficult  to  keep  Poincare's  mind 
on  the  tests,  because  his  attention  constantly  wan- 
dered to  the  apparatus.  In  receiving  instructions 
for  such  experiments  he  did  not  seem  to  compre- 
hend what  was  being  said,  but  appeared  distracted 
and  uninterested.  This  is  the  same  impression 
he  is  said  to  have  given  to  those  whom  he  met  in 
his  daily  relations.  He  was  restless,  could  not 
remain  in  one  position  or  stay  by  one  task,  had 
no  patience  and  abandoned  his  work  whenever 
it  seemed  to  require  any  voluntary  effort.  Tests 
of  reverie  associations  and  of  free  paired  asso- 
ciates showed  absence  of  voluntary  attention  and 


86  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

predominance  of  purely  verbal  association  tend- 
encies. Binet's  *^ cigarette  description"  test  was 
used,  and  Poincare  was  found  to  belong  to  Binet's 
first  type  of  observer  (simple  description,  with  no 
evidence  of  reflection  or  judgment,  no  display  of 
erudition,  no  expression  of  fancy  or  sentiment). 
His  description  was  remarkably  lucid  and  clear. 
Poincare  spoke  correctly,  never  learned  his  ad- 
dresses by  heart,  and  made  few  corrections  either 
in  writing  or  in  speaking.  Indications  of  his  tem- 
perament and  type  are  said  to  be  suggested  by 
his  handwriting. 

Poincare 's  opinions  on  various  topics  are  given, 
and  several  peculiar  habits  of  daily  life  are  re- 
corded, chiefly  for  the  sake  of  emphasizing  his 
constant  air  of  distraction,  his  impatience  and 
restlessness.  He  loved  music;  sketched  a  little; 
did  not  sleep  soundly ;  and  often  began  to  work  on 
a  problem  only  to  abandon  it  in  the  faith  that  it 
would  in  some  way  solve  itself  unconsciously  or 
that  the  right  idea  would  come  spontaneously  on 
some  later  occasion.  He  often  began  a  memoir 
without  having  any  conclusion  in  mind.  He  often 
wrote  formulae  automatically  for  the  sake  of  the 
chance  associations  which  they  might  bring. 

These  tests  of  Poincare  showed  him  to  present  a 
striking  contrast  to  Zola,  the  novelist.   Zola's  type 


THE  PSYCHOGRAPHIC  METHODS         87 

was  found  to  be  characterized  by  prominent  vol- 
untary intellectual  activity,  clearly  conscious  and 
intense,  concentrated  effort,  with  no  tendency  to 
perseveration  of  ideas  after  cessation  of  work. 
His  thought,  as  disclosed  by  the  tests,  was  logical, 
methodical,  and  seemed  preeminently  fitted  for 
the  work  of  mathematical  deduction.  His  method 
of  work  was  quite  the  opposite  of  that  of  Poin- 
care,  who,  when  he  met  with  a  difficulty  or  with  a 
point  requiring  voluntary  effort,  abandoned  his 
work  or  proceeded  to  another  part  of  it  which 
would  develop  more  spontaneously.  The  surpris- 
ing thing  was  that  a  methodical,  logical  and 
persistent  worker,  such  as  Zola,  should  have  be- 
come the  prince  of  romance  that  he  was.  One 
might  have  expected  that  the  mental  processes  of 
Poincare,  which  were  shown  to  be  flighty,  uncon- 
trolled, spontaneous,  unstable  and  spasmodic, 
would  have  particularly  fitted  him  for  the  activ- 
ity of  the  romancer.  Instead,  they  found  their 
outlet  in  severe  mathematical  and  philosophical 
creation.  Poincare  ^s  genius  is  thus  said  to  be  in- 
capable of  explanation  on  the  basis  of  his  sensori- 
motor equipment,  his  imagination  and  memory, 
and  the  speed  or  control  of  his  psychic  activity. 
If  his  case  is  taken  as  typical,  it  suggests  the  quite 
unexpected  result  that  tendency  to  distraction, 


88  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

automatisms,  oscillating  attention,  restlessness, 
uncontrolled  association  and  reliance  on  chance 
syntheses  and  spontaneous  ideas  are  significant 
for  the  type  of  genius  required  in  mathematics 
and  philosophical  speculation.  Certainly  in  Poin- 
care's  case  they  seem  to  have  constituted  a  defi- 
nite method  of  research. 

The  chief  value  of  this  examination  of  Poincare 
does  not  lie  in  the  particular  results  which  it 
yielded,  but  in  its  initiation  of  such  attempts  to 
study  in  a  more  or  less  intimate  and  intensive  way 
the  psychological  processes  and  type  of  individ- 
uals of  marked  achievement  in  special  lines  of 
work.  For  the  purposes  of  vocational  psychology 
it  would  be  valuable  to  know  the  ways  in  which 
such  admittedly  superior  individuals  as  those  now 
being  studied  by  Dr.  Toulouse,  differing  as  they 
do  in  their  types  of  achievement,  would  react  to 
the  simple  and  complex  tests  now  employed  by 
those  interested  in  the  measurement  of  intelli- 
gence and  special  aptitudes.  It  is  true  that  these 
psychographic  methods  do  not  yet  yield  results 
which  are  sufficient  to  inform  us  why  the  particu- 
lar individuals  examined  were  so  much  more  suc- 
cessful in  their  work  than  were  others  who  seem 
to  have  been  equally  favored  and  equally  diligent. 
Nor  have  they  yet  revealed  in  any  adequate  way 


THE  PSYCHOGRAPHIC  METHODS        89 

the  nature  or  degree  of  the  qualifications  requisite 
for  success  in  the  vocations  from  which  the  repre- 
sentative men  have  heen  selected.  Nevertheless 
the  individual  psychograph  constitutes  a  sug- 
gestive method  of  research  for  the  vocational  psy- 
chology of  the  future.  It  represents  the  intensive 
development  of  the  older  type  of  ** biography," 
based  on  direct  observational  data  rather  than  on 
hearsay,  conjecture  and  anecdote. 

It  is  on  some  variation  of  this  method  that  we 
must  largely  rely  in  our  efforts  to  learn  to  what 
degree  vocational  success  depends  on  the  presence 
of  demonstrable  personal  characteristics,  rather 
than  on  the  accidents  of  time,  place  and  circum- 
stance. It  was  inevitable  that  the  first  attempts 
to  give  psychographic  accounts  of  the  personality 
of  individuals  of  genius  should  be  more  or  less 
fragmentary,  incomplete  and  experimental.  This 
has  been  due  partly  to  the  rapidity  with  which  our 
knowledge  of  mental  tests  has  developed,  and 
partly  to  the  very  complex  and  subtle  types  of 
achievement  toward  which  these  early  psycho- 
graphic  methods  have  been  directed.  Various  in- 
vestigations are  now  under  way  in  which  these 
same  methods  are  being  used  in  the  intensive  ex- 
amination of  individuals  who  have  engaged  in  sim- 
pler and  more  conmaon  forms  of  activity,  with 


90  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

varying  degrees  of  success.  In  some  of  these  re- 
searches, for  example,  men  who  have  made  their 
life  work  the  marketing  of  a  specific  type  of  com- 
modity through  direct  and  personal  salesmanship 
are  being  submitted  to  intensive  psychological 
examinations.  The  problem  is  to  discover 
whether  there  is  a  more  or  less  specific  and  rec- 
ognizable type  of  personality  which  characterizes 
the  successful  salesman  and  differentiates  him 
from  the  mediocre  salesman  and  the  utter  failure. 
Directed  toward  these  more  familiar  and  more 
easily  accessible  occupations,  the  individual  psy- 
chograph  constitutes  one  of  the  most  interesting 
forms  of  vocational  psychology.  Closely  related 
to  it,  though  sufficiently  distinct  in  aim  and  method 
to  merit  separate  presentation,  is  the  method  of 
the  vocational  psychograph,  in  which  the  work, 
rather  than  the  worker,  is  made  the  object  of 
analysis. 

THE  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOGRAPH 

Closely  related  to  the  method  of  intensive  ex- 
amination described  in  the  preceding  section,  and 
profitable  in  a  somewhat  different  direction,  is 
the  type  of  psychograph  represented  in  Professor 
Seashore's  reports  on  *'The  Measurement  of  a 


THE  PSYCHOGRAPHIC  METHODS        91 

Singer. '  *  This  may  be  called  the  *  'vocational  psy- 
ch ograph''  as  contrasted  with  the  psychograph  of 
the  individual  of  genius.  It  proceeds  by  discover- 
ing first  the  necessary  abilities  and  capacities 
which  a  given  sort  of  performance  demands.  In 
the  case  of  singing,  rather  more  than  in  almost  any 
other  vocation,  certain  definite  and  fairly  identifi- 
able abilities  are  quite  obviously  required,  and 
the  degree  to  which  they  must  be  present  for  defi- 
nite attainments  is  rather  more  easily  discover- 
able. 

Thus,  Seashore  writes:  '* Musical  power  is  gen- 
erally admitted  to  embrace  certain  well-recognized 
and  fairly  concrete  capacities.  In  our  common- 
place judgments  about  ourselves  and  others  we 
say:  'I  have  no  ear  for  music'  *I  cannot  tell  a 
chord  from  a  discord.'  'I  cannot  keep  time.'  *I 
have  no  sense  of  rhythm.'  'I  cannot  tell  a  two- 
step  from  a  waltz.'  *I  cannot  remember  music' 
*I  cannot  image  sounds.'  'I  am  not  moved  by 
music'  *I  do  not  enjoy  music'  Or,  if  speaking 
of  someone  who  has  musical  ability,  we  say:  *He 
has  a  deep,  rich  voice. '  '  He  never  forgets  an  air. ' 
^He  lives  in  song.'  Such  judgments  have  refer- 
ence to  generally  admitted  specific  factors  in- 
volved in  musical  capacity  by  virtue  of  a  musical 
organization.    Corresponding  to  these  judgments 


9£  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

of  native  capacity  we  have  judgments  about  mu- 
sical education,  about  musical  environment,  about 
special  influences  and  stimuli  for  the  development 
of  musical  talent,  and  about  technique  and  success 
in  the  rendition  of  music.  When  judgments  of 
this  kind  are  based  upon  measurements,  classified 
and  adequately  interpreted,  they  may  constitute 
a  measure  of  the  individual  as  a  singer. 

**The  measure  of  a  singer  should  consist  of  a 
relatively  small  number  of  representative  meas- 
urements upon  specific  capacities  and  achieve- 
ments. These  measurements  must  be  set  in  a  full 
survey  by  systematic  observation  and  other  veri- 
fied information  bearing  upon  the  variation  of  the 
individual  as  a  singer.  The  classification  of  the 
measurements  must  be  based  upon  (1)  the  attri- 
butes of  sound  which  constitute  the  objective  as- 
pect of  music,  and  (2)  upon  fundamental  and  es- 
sential processes  in  the  singer's  appreciation  and 
expression  of  music.  From  the  point  of  view  of 
the  objective  sound,  we  must  take  into  account 
pitch  (with  its  complexes  of  timbre  and  harmony), 
intensity,  and  duration.  From  the  point  of  view 
of  mental  processes  we  may  group  the  tests  under 
the  heads,  sensory,  motor,  associational,  and  af- 
fective, each  of  these  furnishing  natural  subdi- 
visions. ' ' 


THE  PSYCHOGRAPHIC  METHODS         93 

The  writer  then  presents  an  arrangement  of 
these  proposed  measurements  in  a  program, 
which  is  also  recommended  as  the  outline  for  a 
systematic  description  of  the  individual  in  his 
capacity  as  a  singer.  The  sensory  group  of  tests 
includes  five  tests  under  pitch,  two  under  in- 
tensity, and  one  under  time  discrimination.  The 
motor  group  includes  seven  tests  under  pitch,  two 
under  intensity,  and  four  under  time.  The  asso- 
ciational  group  includes  two  tests  under  imagery, 
three  under  memory,  and  four  under  ideation. 
The  affective  group  contains  three  tests  under 
musical  appeal,  and  one  each  under  reaction  to 
musical  effect  and  pov/er  of  interpretation  in  sing- 
ing. A  copy  of  this  program  of  tests  is  given  in 
the  Appendix. 

In  a  chapter  of  his  ^^  Psychology  in  Daily 
Life,"  ^  Seashore  describes  these  special  tests.  He 
indicates  their  significance  and  suggests  approxi- 
mate norms  for  those  cases  for  which  they  are  at 
present  available.  For  the  accumulation  of  many 
of  these  norms,  and  for  the  conduct  of  the  tests, 
special  and  elaborate  apparatus  and  methods  are 
required.  For  several  years  the  workers  in  Sea- 
shore ^s  laboratory  have  busied  themselves  with 
the  problems  concerned  in  the  measurement  and 

1  "Conduct  of  Mind  Series,"  D.  Appleton  &  Co.,  New  York. 


94  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

accumulation  of  norms  for  pitch  discrimination, 
vividness  of  tone  imagery,  span  of  tone  memory, 
consonance  and  dissonance,  rhythmic  action,  in- 
tensity discrimination,  voluntary  control  of  the 
pitch  of  the  voice,  and  the  singing  of  intervals. 

Eef erence  to  norms  thus  acquired  shows,  for  ex- 
ample, that  in  the  case  of  discrimination  in  volun- 
tary control  of  the  pitch  of  the  voice  ^ '  a  record  of 
.9  vd.  means  that  this  ability  is  within  three  per 
cent  of  the  best  record  for  individuals  under  sim- 
ilar conditions,  and  that  those  who  have  such  con- 
trol are  thoroughly  qualified  to  render  a  high  class 
of  music  in  this  respect;  while  a  record  of  9  vd. 
falls  within  eight  per  cent  of  the  poorest  ability 
measured,  and  is  characteristic  of  an  individual 
who  cannot  sing;  whereas  3  vd.  represents  the 
average  ability  of  an  untrained  individual. ' ' 

Again,  in  another  connection,  and  with  refer- 
ence this  time  to  the  discrimination  of  tones  when 
heard,  the  same  investigator  has  suggested  that 
one  who  can  discriminate  a  difference,  from  a 
given  standard  pitch,  of  3  vd.  or  less  may  become 
a  musician;  one  whose  threshold  falls  between  3 
and  8  vd.  ^*  should  have  a  plain  musical  educa- 
tion'';  one  whose  discrimination  is  so  poor  that 
9  to  17  vd.  is  the  measure  ^^  should  have  a  plain 
musical  education  only  if  special  inclination  for 


THE  PSYCHOGRAPHIC  METHODS        95 

some  kind  of  music  is  shown'' ;  while  a  measure  of 
18  vd.  or  above  indicates  that  the  individual 
** should  have  nothing  to  do  with  music.'*  These 
suggestions  were  proposed  for  individuals  of 
equal  age,  advancement  and  general  ability. 

That  is  to  say,  there  are  but  three  persons  in  a 
hundred  who,  having  just  sung  the  tone  which  is 
produced  by  a  tuning  fork  vibrating  two  hundred 
and  fifty-six  times  per  second,  can  then  voluntarily 
and  accurately  change  the  pitch  of  the  voice  to 
represent  the  tone  of  a  fork  vibrating  256.9  times 
per  second,  a  change  of  .9  of  a  vibration.  But  fifty 
persons  of  the  hundred  can  produce  voluntarily  a 
change  of  three  vibrations,  and  ninety-two  of  the 
hundred  can  produce  the  very  large  change  of 
nine  vibrations.  Seashore,  of  course,  points  out 
that  in  addition  to  these  various  measurements, 
*^  there  must  be  other  measurements,  statistical 
data,  biographical  information,  and  free  observa- 
tions concerning  musical  training,  traits  of  tem- 
perament and  attitude,  spontaneous  tendencies  in 
the  pursuit  of  music,  general  education  and  non- 
musical  accomplishments,  social  circumstances 
and  physique,"  and  that  all  these  in  their  unity 
must  be  considered  in  the  light  of  expert  knowl- 
edge and  expert  technical  insight  before  they  can 
be  said  to  give  an  adequate  estimate  of  the  par- 


96  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

ticular  individual's  various  capacities  and  qualifi- 
cations as  a  singer.  Those  interested  in  the  use 
of  psychological  tests  in  connection  with  musical 
ability  should  familiarize  themselves  with  the 
many  original  reports  from  Seashore's  labora- 
tory. The  methods  there  being  followed  may  well 
serve  as  models  for  future  analyses  of  vocational 
demands  and  individual  tests. 

If  the  highly  specialized  work  of  singing  calls 
for  such  complex  analysis  and  for  such  varied 
measurements,  technical  skill,  and  arduous  collec- 
tion of  norms  and  standards,  one  realizes  the  utter 
folly  of  such  vocational  counsel  as  that  which 
vaguely  recommends  the  candidate  to  *^be  a  mu- 
sician,'' *^be  a  writer,"  etc.  Indeed,  we  may  now 
begin  to  see  that  it  is  only  when  each  particular 
aspect  of  each  particular  calling  is  thoroughly 
analyzed  into  its  elementary  requirements,  when 
reliable  tests  for  the  detection  and  measurement 
of  these  abilities  are  available,  and  adequate 
norms  and  standards  accumulated  in  each  case, 
only  then  can  the  method  of  the  vocational  psy- 
chograph  come  to  have  practical  application  in 
vocational  analysis  and  guidance. 

How  far,  we  may  now  ask,  has  such  analysis 
been  able,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  to  proceed  with  the 
representative  types  of  work?    So  far  as  recorded 


THE  PSYCHOGRAPHIC  METHODS        9T 

enterprise  is  concerned  there  liave  been  three  dif- 
ferent ways  of  attempting  such  analyses.  One 
of  these  methods  is  that  used  by  the  various  voca- 
tional bureaus  in  endeavoring  to  learn  what  type 
of  individual  is  most  in  demand  in  the  different 
occupations.  Futile  as  these  endeavors  have  been, 
it  is  nevertheless  well  to  have  them  before  us  for 
our  future  reference  and  guidance.  In  the  main 
the  questionnaire  method  has  been  used  in  this 
connection ;  employers  have  been  asked  to  state,  in 
much  their  own  way,  the  necessary  or  desirable 
mental  and  moral  qualifications  of  those  who 
might  expect  to  succeed  in  the  various  kinds  of 
work. 

These  replies  have  been  collated  and  attempts 
made  to  secure  ^ '  clinical  pictures ' '  of  the  type  of 
individuals.  These  methods  result  in  such  char- 
acterizations as  the  following.  The  words  speci- 
fying the  vocation  itself  are  omitted,  and  the 
reader  is  invited  to  guess  which  of  the  large  num- 
ber of  possible  callings  is  being  described. 

*  *  The  girl  who  enters should  be  able  to 

use  good  language,  and  should  dress  neatly  and 
appropriately  in  order  to  impress  people  agree- 
ably. She  should  be  able  to  write  a  legible  hand, 
make  clear  figures,  and  spell  correctly ;  a  practical 
knowledge  of  arithmetic,  especially  fractions,  is 


98  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

very  important.  Prime  requisites  for  success  are 
interest  and  enthusiasm  and  a  knowledge  of  hu- 
man nature.  The  born takes  a  vital  inter- 
est in  her ,  in  her ,  and  in  her . 

She  studies  her ,  learns  something  of  their 

• ,  knows  what  their  good  points  are,  and  is 

able  to about  them  intelligently  and  truth- 
fully. She  is  a  good  judge  of  people,  and  she  has 
the  sincerity  and  the  tact  which  enable  her  to  help 

a so  to as  to  go  away  satisfied  and 

come  to  her  again.  Such  a is  alert,  ener- 
getic, and  gives  strongly  the  impression  that  she 
is  in  her  place  to and  therefore  never  dis- 
plays an  indifferent  manner  toward  anyone  who 
may  ask  her  service.  Loyal  to  her  work,  she  is 
always  courteous,  for  loss  of  temper  means  loss 
of ." 

Now,  if  one  but  insert  suitable  words  where  the 
omissions  occur,  the  paragraph  remains  equally 
applicable  and  illuminating  when  applied  to  any 
of  the  following  occupations,  diverse  as  they  seem 
to  be:  housekeeper,  waitress,  stenographer,  milli- 
ner, teacher,  mother,  doctor,  nurse,  cashier,  sales- 
woman, insurance  agent,  bookkeeper,  clinical  psy- 
chologist, private  secretary.  The  following  para- 
graph is  equally  illuminating : 

**If  a  girl  wishes  to  succeed  in she  must 


THE  PSYCHOGRAPHIC  METHODS        99 

be  possessed  with  intelligence  [How  much?],  good 
judgment  and  common  sense.  She  must  have  good 
eyesight,  good  hearing  and  a  good  memory.  She 
must  have  good  perception  and  be  able  to  concen- 
trate her  attention  completely  on  any  matter  in 
hand.    In  addition  to  these  she  must  be  neat  in 

executing  work  and  accurate  to  the  last 

degree.  It  is  absolutely  necessary  that  she  have 
a  good  education.'' 

It  would  require  several  trials  to  guess  of  what 
particular  occupation  this  is  a  psychographic  pic- 
ture. 

It  is  clear  at  once  that  this  method  yields  little 
information  of  the  kind  we  are  here  considering, 
beyond  the  cataloging  of  the  general  sterling  vir- 
tues of  mankind.  The  peculiar  and  distinctive 
mental  functions  presumably  involved  in  the  vari- 
ous types  of  work  are  just  the  ones  that  no  one 
not  an  expert  in  psychological  analysis  could  be 
expected  adequately  to  portray.  The  so-called 
special  qualiJ&cations,  such  as  honesty,  patience, 
attention,  neatness,  perseverance,  etc.,  do  not 
represent  elementary  psychological  categories. 
Moreover,  they  are  qualifications  with  which  no 
legitimate  sphere  of  human  activity  can  afford  to 
dispense.  In  the  long  run  they  are  characteristics 
which  correlate  to  a  high  degree  or,  indeed,  per- 


100  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

haps  help  to  make  up  and  constitute  what  we  call 
general  intelligence.  In  no  case  is  there  any  speci- 
fication of  the  precise  amount  of  these  various 
traits  that  may  be  needed.  Since  the  days  of  the 
faculty  psychology  we  have  ceased  to  think  of  at- 
tention, memory,  will,  etc.,  as  homogeneous  pow- 
ers which  play  in  a  general  sort  of  way  on  all  sorts 
of  material.  We  usually  find  that  when  an  indi- 
vidual is  inattentive  to  one  set  of  facts  this  is 
largely  due  to  his  being  attentively  preoccupied 
with  some  other  set.  Still  further,  no  tests  have 
been  proposed  which  satisfactorily  measure  such 
traits  as  honesty,  perseverance,  promptness.  Nor 
is  it  certainly  known  to  what  degree  such  traits  are 
fixed  characteristics  of  individuals  and  to  what 
degree  they  represent  present  habits  and  tend- 
encies modifiable  in  many  ways  if  the  circum- 
stances call  for  such  change. 

Turning  from  the  employer  himself,  and  his  de- 
scription of  the  ideal  worker,  we  may  inquire  what 
happens  when  the  professional  psychologist  un- 
dertakes this  analysis?  The  only  case  in  which 
an  expert  psychologist  has  attempted  this  is  to  be 
found  in  Miinsterberg's  recent  book  on  *^  Vocation 
and  Learning. "  It  is  there  pointed  out  that  every 
act  and  experience  has  its  threefold  aspect,  the 
aspect  of  knowing,  that  of  feeling,  and  that  of 


THE  PSYCHOGRAPHIC  METHODS      101 

doing.  Corresponding  to  these  three  aspects, 
there  are  to  be  pointed  out  in  the  case  of  each 
occupation  the  required  information,  the  neces- 
sary technical  skill,  and  the  special  guiding  per- 
sonal interests  and  social  satisfactions.  In  order 
to  clarify  our  knowledge  of  the  special  needs  of 
the  various  vocations,  and  presumably  to  aid  in 
the  guidance  of  individuals  in  their  vocational 
choices,  eleven  different  representative  vocations 
are  analyzed  on  this  threefold  basis.  Two  or  three 
of  the  analyses  may  be  given  here  as  an  indica- 
tion of  the  results  arrived  at  by  this  method  at  the 
hands  of  the  avowed  applied  psychologist.  The 
specification  of  the  particular  technical  knowledge 
we  need  not  include  for  our  purpose,  since  this 
consists  of  information  supplied  through  some 
form  of  education.  The  outline  on  the  following 
page  brings  together  the  requisite  abilities  and  the 
implied  motives  and  interests,  as  stated  for  the  oc- 
cupations of  domestic  worker,  architect,  physician, 
and  journalist. 

It  is  obvious  that  such  analysis  is  inadequate 
for  our  purpose.  For  the  most  part  the  various 
vocations  are  said  to  be  actuated  by  much  the  same 
motives,  the  leading  satisfactions  being  honor, 
truth,  position,  beauty,  progress,  fees  or  salary, 
and  welfare.    These  enumerations,  of  course,  help 


102 


VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 


Occupation 

Domestic  Worker 

Architect 

Physician 

Journalist 

Joyful  work 

Esthetic  sense 

Social  dealing 

Sociability 

Energy 

Imagination 

Energy 

Energy 

Patience 

Industry 

Discretion 

Memory 

Teaching 

Drawing 

Tact 

Accuracy 

AbUities 

Economy 

ModeUng 

Judgment 

Judgment 

Required 

Physique 

Specification 
Employment 
of  men 

Observation 

Housekeeping 

Architecture 

Dissection 

Typewriting 

Sewing 

Engineering 

Microscopical 

Quick  Expres- 

Cooking 

Heating 

Observation 

sion 

Nursing 

Ventilating 

Psychotherapy 

Forceful  style 

House  fur- 

Construction 

CUnical  Ac- 

nishing 

tivity 
Surgical  Tech- 
nique 

Morality 

Honor 

Honor 

Honor 

Beauty 

Beauty 

Truth 

Truth 

Position 

Position 

Position 

Influence 

ImpUed  Per- 

Support 

Fees 

Fees 

Salary 

sonal  Motives 

Home  Life 

Comfort 

Influence 

Progress 

and  Social 

Family  Wel- 

Progress 

Interests 

fare 

Comfort  of 

Housing 

Welfare  of 

PoUtica 

Community 

Community 

Education 

Family  Com- 

Health 

Information 

fort 

Prevention  of 
Disease 

Entertainment 

US  in  no  way  to  distinguish  between  the  particular 
satisfactions  or  interests  involved  in  the  different 
types  of  work.  Quite  the  same  thing  is  true  of 
the  abilities  required.  Most  of  them  call  for  en- 
ergy, industry,  judgment  and  ability  to  deal  with 
people.  The  same  might  be  said  of  prize-fighting, 
plumbing  and  peddling.  And  do  not  the  journal- 
ist and  the  housekeeper  require  tact  as  well  as  the 
physician?  Is  it  true  that  the  architect  alone,  of 
the  four  examples  here  given,  has  use  for  imagina- 
tion and  an   esthetic   sense,  that   the   domestic 


THE  PSYCHOGRAPHIC  METHODS       103 

alone  needs  physical  development  and  joyfulness? 
Accuracy  is  perhaps  more  necessary  to  success  in 
architecture  than  to  the  pursuit  of  journalism, 
while  judgment,  discretion  and  observation  would 
seem  to  be  of  occasional  value  even  to  the  house- 
keeper and  the  architect. 

In  short,  this  type  of  analysis,  which,  whether 
accepted  seriously  or  not,  represents  the  latest 
word  from  a  distinguished  psychologist  on  the  dif- 
ferences among  the  occupations,  gives  us  no  more 
assistance  toward  the  basis  of  a  vocational  psy- 
chograph  than  did  the  catalogs  of  sterling  vir- 
tues provided  by  the  employers  in  their  replies  to 
the  questionnaires. 

Various  other  types  of  analysis  have  been  pro- 
posed, as  well  as  different  criteria,  on  the  basis 
of  which  the  occupations  might  be  thrown  under 
some  form  of  psychological  classification.  Thus 
it  has  been  pointed  out  that  the  traditional  dis- 
tinctions on  the  basis  of  materials  handled  or  type 
of  product  produced,  give  little  indication  of  the 
type  of  activity  involved  or  of  the  characteristics 
necessary  for  success.  As  Schneider  has  re- 
marked :  *  *  If  a  boy  were  successful  in  wood-shop 
work,  he  was  told  he  would  make  a  good  carpen- 
ter ;  however,  wood-turning  in  a  shop  and  outdoor 
carpentry  are  dissimilar  types,  while  wood-turn- 


104  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

ing  in  a  shop  and  metal-turning  in  a  shop  are 
similar  types.'' 

Schneider  has  for  many  years  considered  the 
problems  involved  in  adjusting  human  beings  to 
congenial  types  of  work,  and  prefers  to  classify 
both  men  and  jobs  on  the  basis  of  certain  broad 
characteristics  which  refer  more  particularly  to 
interests,  habits,  preferences  and  similar  tempera- 
mental factors  than  to  the  technical  psychological 
mechanisms  employed  in  the  work.  He  writes: 
*^  Every  individual  has  certain  broad  character- 
istics and  every  type  of  work  requires  certain 
broad  characteristics.  The  problem,  then,  is  to 
state  the  broad  characteristics,  to  devise  a  ra- 
tional method  to  discover  these  characteristics 
(or  talents)  in  individuals,  to  classify  the  types  of 
jobs  by  the  talents  they  require  and  to  guide  the 
youth  with  certain  talents  into  the  t}^e  of  job 
which  requires  those  talents.  This  is  a  big  prob- 
lem, but  one  possible  of  measurable  solution,  or,  at 
worst,  possible  of  a  solution  immeasurably  su- 
perior to  our  present  haphazard  methods. 

As  an  illustration  of  what  Schneider  means  by 
'* broad  characteristics,"  take  his  distinction  be- 
tween the  ''settled"  and  the  ''roving"  types. 
*  *  There  is  a  type  of  man  who  wants  to  get  on  the 
same  car  every  morning,  get  off  at  the  same  cor- 


THE  PSYCHOGRAPHIC  METHODS      105 

ner,  go  to  the  same  shop,  ring  up  at  the  same 
clock,  stow  his  lunch  in  the  same  locker,  go  to  the 
same  machine  and  do  the  same  class  of  work,  day 
after  day.  Another  type  of  man  would  go  crazy 
under  this  routine ;  he  wants  to  move  about,  meet 
new  people,  see  and  do  new  things.  The  first  is 
settled;  the  second  is  roving.  The  first  might 
make  a  good  man  for  a  shop  manufacturing  a 
standard  product ;  the  second  might  make  a  good 
railroad  man  or  a  good  outdoor  carpenter.'' 

Or,  again,  consider  his  distinction  on  the  basis 
of  *^ scope."  ^^Then  there  are  two  types — one 
of  which  likes  to  fuss  with  an  intricate  bit  of 
mechanism,  while  the  other  wants  the  task  of  big 
dimensions — the  watchmaker,  the  engraver,  the 
inlayer,  the  painter  of  miniatures,  on  the  one 
hand;  the  bridge  builder,  the  steQl-mill  worker, 
the  train  dispatcher,  the  circus  man  on  the  other. 
One  has  small  scope,  the  other  large  scope.'' 

Basing  his  analyses  mainly  on  the  enterprises 
of  manufacture,  construction  and  transportation, 
and  recognizing  that  other  broad  characteristics 
would  probably  be  listed  if  different  types  of  oc- 
cupation were  also  considered,  Schneider  gives  a 
list  of  sixteen  classifications  which  may  be  ap- 
plied either  to  the  individual  or  to  the  type  of 
work.    These  are  as  follows: 


106  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

a — Physical  strength;  physical  weakness, 
b — Mental;  manual. 
e — Settled;  roving, 
d — Indoor;  outdoor. 
e — Directive ;  dependent, 
f — Original  (creative) ;  imitative, 
g — Small  scope;  large  scope, 
h — Adaptable ;  self -centered. 
i — Deliberate ;  impulsive. 
j — Music  sense. 
k — Color  sense. 

1 — Manual  accuracy;  manual  inaccuracy, 
m — Mental  accuracy  (logic) ;  mental  inaccuracy, 
n — Concentration  (mental  focus) ;  diffusion. 
o — Eapid  mental  coordination ;  slow  mental  co- 
ordination. 
p — Dynamic;  static. 

It  must  be  said  that  the  characteristics  of  the 
various  types  of  work  here  enumerated  are  pretty 
much  the  features  which  have  in  the  past  guided 
such  individuals  as  really  chose  their  vocation 
rather  than  found  it  waiting  for  them,  made  a 
random  selection,  or  seized  the  first  available  op- 
portunity. The  paired  adjectives  probably  afford 
truer  descriptions  of  various  types  of  work  than 
they  do  of  types  of  individuals.  Most  individuals 
of  one's  acquaintance  one  would  have  to  group 
neither  under  the  one  nor  the  other  extreme,  but 
in  an  average  group  which  would  show  each  of  the 
opposed  tendencies  under  special  circumstances  or 
would  show  no  particularly  marked  degree  of 


THE  PSYCHOGRAPHIC  METHODS      107' 

either  tendency.  Observation  of  such  individuals 
for  long  periods  of  time  and  under  a  variety  of 
circumstances  would  be  required  before  these 
classifications  could  be  made  out  by  a  stranger  or 
by  a  professional  counsellor.  Even  then  such  a 
classification  could  hardly  be  said  to  be  psycholog- 
ical in  any  technical  sense  of  the  word,  and  it  is 
not  very  probable  that  psychological  training  or 
experience  would  facilitate  or  render  more  relia- 
ble such  classification.  The  question  of  to  what 
degree  the  individual's  judgment  of  his  own  char- 
acteristics may  be  relied  on  in  such  an  analysis  we 
must  defer  until  a  later  section  where  that  is  taken 
up  as  the  main  subject  of  discussion. 

The  reliable  vocational  psychograph,  which  pro- 
ceeds by  means  of  a  careful  preliminary  analysis 
of  the  qualities  required  in  the  given  work,  and 
uses  specially  adapted  tests  with  reliable  norms 
for  their  evaluation,  is  not  yet  available  for  any 
single  occupation.  The  preliminary  analyses  so 
far  made,  whether  by  employer,  psychologist,  or 
engineer,  give  us  little  guidance,  and  until  such 
guidance  is  forthcoming  the  special  adaptation  of 
tests  and  the  accumulation  of  norms  and  stand- 
ards cannot  make  much  practical  progress.  The 
inadequacy  of  the  analyses  already  offered  should 
not  discourage  further  effort  in  this  direction. 


108  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

The  alignment  of  the  simple  industrial  processes 
along  the  general  intelligence  scale  has  already 
been  begun.  The  description  of  the  more  complex 
tasks  in  terms  of  identifiable  mental  characteris- 
tics is  a  much  more  difficult  task,  but  this  very  dif- 
ficulty is  at  once  a  sign  of  the  importance  of  the 
problem. 


CHAPTEE  V 

SPECIALIZED  VOCATIONAL   TESTS  AND   METHODS 

The  absence  of  complete  vocational  psycho- 
graphs  has  not  retarded  the  search  for  tests  which^ 
though  more  or  less  fragmentary,  may  have  voca- 
tional significance.  In  fact,  there  are  some  twenty 
types  of  work  for  which  tests  have  already  been 
proposed,  recommended,  and  more  or  less  tenta- 
tively tried  out.  A  brief  account  of  these,  with 
references  to  the  more  complete  literature,  will  be 
given  here,  and  some  attempt  made  to  evaluate 
the  tests  themselves. 

Substitutes  for  the  vocational  psychograph,  in 
the  way  of  partial  and  suggestive  tests,  have  been 
proposed  in  four  different  forms.  Since  the  work 
of  the  immediate  future  will  probably  develop 
along  these  same  lines,  these  four  forms  will  be 
indicated  here,  and  typical  illustrations  cited  in 
each  case. 

A.  There  is  first  what  may  be  called  the  method 
of  the  vocational  miniature.  Here  the  entire  work, 
or  some  selected  and  important  part  of  it,  is  re- 
produced on  a  small  scale  by  using  toy  apparatus 

100 


110  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

or  in  some  such  way  duplicating  the  actual  situa- 
tion which  the  worker  faces  when  engaged  at  his 
task.  Thus  McComas,  in  testing  telephone  oper- 
ators, constructed  a  miniature  switchboard  and 
put  the  operators  through  actual  calls  and  re- 
sponses, meanwhile  measuring  their  speed  and  ac- 
curacy by  means  of  chronometric  attachments. 
Stern  and  others  recommend  tests  of  the  fidelity 
of  report  of  a  witness  in  court  by  letting  him  ob- 
serve some  rehearsed  scene,  some  motion  picture 
representation  of  a  series  of  events,  or  some  pic- 
torial portrayal  of  a  scene  or  episode,  and  exam- 
ining into  the  faithfulness  with  which  he  can  de- 
scribe what  he  there  saw. 

B.  Closely  related  to  this  method  of  miniature 
performance  is  that  of  taking  an  actual  piece  of 
the  work  to  be  performed  and  sampling  the  candi- 
date's  ability  by  his  success  in  this  trial.  Thus,  in 
connection  with  the  recommendation  of  clerks  and 
assistants  from  among  the  boys  in  commercial 
high  schools  it  is  common  to  test  their  ability  from 
time  to  time  throughout  their  course  by  assigning 
them  small  pieces  of  work  similar  to  that  which 
they  might  later  be  required  to  perform  in  busi- 
ness offices  and  shops.  Finding  addresses  and 
numbers  in  a  telephone  directory,  carrying  out 
involved  verbal  instructions  and  directions  from 


SPECIALIZED  TESTS  AND  METHODS     111 

memory,  computing  calculations,  recommending 
action  on  the  basis  of  their  figures,  making  out  a 
trial  balance,  a  trial  chemical  analysis,  etc.,  are 
common  forms  of  this  type  of  test.  In  certain 
cases  such  specimens  of  work  have  been  devised 
in  or  taken  into  the  psychological  laboratory  and 
the  worker  watched  more  closely  and  measured 
more  exactly.  This  has  been  done,  for  instance,  by 
Thorndike  in  the  case  of  clerical  workers  and 
salesmen,  by  Paynter  in  the  case  of  judges  of 
trade-mark  infringements,  by  Scott  in  the  case  of 
salesmen,  and  by  others  in  the  case  of  tests  for 
handwriting  experts. 

C.  A  third  method  has  been  that  of  analogy. 
Some  test  is  devised  which  bears  real  or  supposed 
resemblance  to  the  sort  of  situation  met  by  the 
worker  in  the  given  occupational  activity.  The 
material  is  new,  but  the  attitude  and  endeavor  of 
the  worker  seem  to  be  much  the  same.  There  is 
indeed  usually  a  tacit  or  expressed  belief  that  the 
same  simple  or  complex  mental  processes  or  psy- 
chological functions  are  involved  in  the  two  cases, 
although  the  precise  nature  of  this  function  has 
seldom  been  clearly  stated.  Thus  girls  employed 
in  sorting  steel  ball-bearings,  and  also  typesetters, 
have  been  selected  on  the  basis  of  their  speed  of 
reaction  to  a  sound  stimulus.     Miinsterberg  has 


112  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

suggested  that  marine  officers  who  can  quickly 
perceive  a  situation  and  choose  an  appropriate 
mode  of  reaction  to  it  may  be  selected  by  letting 
candidates  sort  into  their  appropriate  piles  a  deck 
of  cards  bearing  different  combinations  of  let- 
ters. The  same  investigator  has  described  a  test 
for  motormen  which,  while  being  neither  a  minia- 
ture of  their  required  work  nor  yet  a  sample  of 
it,  is  said  to  produce  in  them  much  the  same  men- 
tal attitude.  In  another  case  telephone  operators 
were  tested  for  speed  in  canceling  certain  letters 
from  a  newspaper  page,  in  the  belief  that  this 
work  involved  an  ability  that  was  also  required  at 
the  switchboard,  although  there  directed  to  differ- 
ent material.  McComas  has  described  a  dot-strik- 
ing test  for  measuring  accuracy  of  aim  or  motor 
coordination,  which  forms  an  essential  factor  in 
manipulating  a  switchboard. 

D.  Finally  there  are  cases  in  which  tests  hav- 
ing vocational  significance  have  been  sought  by 
purely  haphazard  and  empirical  ways.  Thus 
Lough,  having  devised  a  form  of  substitution  test 
in  which  certain  characters  had  always  to  be  re- 
placed by  certain  others,  according  to  a  prescribed 
key,  then  proceeded  to  apply  it  to  groups  of  com- 
mercial students.  Speed  of  improvement  was 
chosen  as  the  thing  of  interest  in  respect  to  the 


SPECIALIZED  TESTS  AND  METHODS     113 

test.  Measures  of  this  capacity,  as  shown  by  re- 
peated trials  with  the  same  test  day  after  day, 
were  then  compared  with  measures  of  ability  in 
different  types  of  work  in  which  the  students  were 
engaged.  It  was  found  that  the  test  records 
agreed  very  closely  with  the  abilities  in  typewrit- 
ing, fairly  closely  with  abilities  in  business  cor- 
respondence and  stenography,  whereas  there  was 
not  such  definite  relation  found  between  the  test 
records  and  ability  in  learning  the  German  lan- 
guage or  in  mathematics.  The  test  is  conse- 
quently recommended  as  a  useful  means  of  de- 
tecting typewriting  and  stenographic  ability.  It 
is  not  pretended  that  the  test  is  a  miniature 
of  the  work  of  such  calling,  nor  that  it  is  a  fair 
sample  of  such  work,  nor  even  that  it  involves 
precisely  the  same  mental  functions  that  come  into 
play  in  such  work.  The  test  records  and  ability 
in  the  particular  type  of  work  show  high  positive 
correlation,  which  means  that  an  individual  who 
is  good  or  medium  or  poor  in  the  one  is,  as  a  mere 
matter  of  fact,  also  found  to  be  good,  medium  or 
poor  in  the  other.  Hence,  without  further  analy- 
sis, the  one  may  be  used  as  the  sign  of  the  other. 

Another  good  illustration  of  the  use  of  this 
method  is  the  study  of  Lahy,  who  put  good,  aver- 
age and  poor  typewriters  through  a  great  num- 


114  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

ber  of  tests  of  different  sorts.  He  found  that  the 
only  tests  correlating  closely  with  ability  in  the 
practical  work  were  those  for  memory  span,  tac- 
tile and  muscular  sensibility,  sustained  attention, 
and  equality  of  strength  in  the  two  hands. 

Perhaps  the  most  perfect  example  of  this  purely 
empirical  procedure  is  the  investigation  which 
has  now  been  conducted  for  several  years  by  Mrs. 
Woolley  and  her  co-workers  in  Cincinnati.  Chil- 
dren who  leave  the  grades  to  enter  directly  into 
some  sort  of  industrial  occupation  are  examined 
by  a  miscellaneous  assortment  of  simple  mental 
tests.  These  records  are  preserved,  and  the  sub- 
sequent successes  or  failures  of  the  pupils  in  the 
various  sorts  of  work  undertaken  by  them  in  later 
life  are  as  carefully  recorded  as  is  possible.  It  is 
hoped  that  when  a  sufficient  amount  of  material 
of  this  nature  has  been  accumulated  the  two  sets 
of  data  may  be  compared  and  information  thereby 
secured  concerning  the  relation  between  ability 
in  the  tests  and  the  types  and  degrees  of  indus- 
trial fitness.  At  present  only  the  test  records  have 
been  published. 

In  a  recent  investigation  an  attempt  was  made 
to  discover,  by  this  empirical  method,  a  set  of 
mental  tests  which  would  aid  in  the  selection  of 
efficient  workers  in  a  specific  field.    Thirty  work- 


SPECL^LIZED  TESTS  AND  METHODS     115 

ers  who  were  already  employed  under  fairly  com- 
parable conditions  of  work  were  taken  as  subjects 
in  a  preliminary  search  for  tests  of  value.  These 
thirty  people  were  each  put  through  a  series  of 
*^ association  tests/'  of  the  familiar  laboratory 
form,  naming  opposites,  naming  colors  and  forms, 
completing  mutilated  passages,  following  hard 
directions,  giving  responses  bearing  specified  re- 
lations to  stimulus  words,  cancellation  and  num- 
ber checking,  etc.  While  these  tests  were  in  prog- 
ress, during  a  period  of  several  days,  the  thirty 
workers  were  rated  by  three  supervisors  who 
were  familiar  with  their  work  at  the  actual  task, 
and  who  had  for  some  time  been  observing  their 
performance  with  a  view  to  making  subsequent 
judgments.  Each  supervisor  arranged  the  thirty 
workers  in  an  order  of  merit,  according  to  his  or 
her  impression  of  their  relative  efficiency.  The 
judgments  of  these  three  supervisors  were  then 
averaged  and  each  worker  assigned  a  final  posi- 
tion on  the  basis  of  these  averages.  This  was  be- 
lieved to  be  as  accurate  a  measure  of  actual  ability 
as  could  be  secured  under  the  complex  conditions 
of  work. 

The  results  of  these  ratings  were  then  com- 
pared with  the  results  of  the  mental  tests.  Some 
of  the  tests  were  found  not  to  correlate  with  the 


116  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

ratings  for  actual  working  efficiency.  Three  tests 
showed  definite  and  positive  correlations,  as  fol- 
lows: Color-Naming  (thirty-seven  per  cent), 
Hard  Directions  (forty  per  cent),  Completion 
(thirty-three  per  cent).  When  results  from  these 
three  tests  were  combined,  the  records  correlated 
with  the  ratings  by  a  coefficient  of  fifty-five  per 
cent.  These  three  tests  were  then  accepted  as 
having  value  in  the  selection  of  good  operators, 
and  search  was  continued  for  further  tests  which 
might  also  yield  positive  correlations.  This  in- 
vestigation is  again  an  illustration  of  the  purely 
empirical  method. 

These  four  procedures  in  the  search  for  useful 
vocational  tests,  in  the  absence  of  complete  voca- 
tional psychographs,  are  quite  generally  recog- 
nized to  be  but  tentative  expedients  of  an  explora- 
tive character.  Individual  workers  have  not  al- 
ways clearly  recognized  the  principles  involved  in 
their  work,  but  have  proceeded  as  best  they  could 
under  the  special  circumstances.  Each  method 
has  its  own  defects  and  advantages.  The  minia- 
ture model  has  the  advantage  of  concreteness  and 
apparent  relevance,  but,  as  Mtinsterberg  points 
out,  *^a  reduced  copy  of  an  external  apparatus 
may  arouse  ideas,  feelings  and  volitions  which 
have  little  in  common  with  the  processes  of  ac- 


SPECIALIZED  TESTS  AND  METHODS     IIT 

tual  life/'  This  writer  is  inclined  to  believe,  on 
the  basis  of  his  experiments  so  far,  that  *  *  experi- 
ments with  small  models  of  the  actual  industrial 
mechanism  are  hardly  appropriate  for  investiga- 
tions in  the  field  of  economic  psychology.  The  es- 
sential point  for  the  psychological  experiment  is, 
not  the  external  similarity  of  the  apparatus,  but 
exclusively  the  inner  similarity  of  the  mental  atti- 
tude. The  more  the  external  mechanism  with 
which  or  on  which  the  action  is  carried  out  be- 
comes schematized,  the  more  the  action  itself  will 
appear  in  its  true  character.'* 

The  second  method  we  have  described,  viz.,  that 
of  using  as  the  test  a  real  sample  of  the  work 
done,  has  certain  very  obvious  advantages.  On 
the  other  hand,  for  the  vocational  test  of  this  type 
to  be  at  all  significant,  either  the  sort  of  work  in- 
volved in  the  occupation  must  be  fairly  uniform 
and  homogeneous  in  all  its  different  circumstances 
(as  in  the  case  of  typewriting  at  dictation,  or  in 
the  work  of  filing  clerks,  accountants,  etc.),  or  else 
there  must  be  included  a  large  number  of  samples 
representing  all  the  various  unrelated  sorts  of 
work.  Moreover,  in  neither  case  is  the  test  in  any 
peculiar  sense  psychological.  Such  tests  could 
perhaps  be  best  conducted  by  the  employer  him- 
self.  In  fact,  employment  on  trial,  which  is  a  com- 


118  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

mon  method  of  selecting  operatives  and  assist- 
ants, is  a  time-honored  form  of  this  test,  which 
is  not  necessarily  improved  either  by  calling  it 
psychological  or  by  putting  it  in  charge  of  a 
general  expert  or  by  removing  it  to  the  labora- 
tory. 

The  third  form  of  procedure  is  full  of  all  sorts 
of  difficulties  and  sources  of  error,  many  of  which 
are,  at  the  present  stage  of  our  knowledge,  ir- 
remediable. In  selecting  a  new  test  which  will 
involve  the  same  mental  attitude  and  call  for  the 
exercise  of  the  same  psychological  functions  as 
are  needed  in  the  work  itself,  we  are  handicapped 
by  the  unreliability  of  the  introspection  of  the  ex- 
aminee and  also  by  our  inadequate  ability  to  rec- 
ognize, identify  and  classify  psychological  func- 
tions even  when  we  are  confident  that  these  are 
present.  The  statement  of  motormen  that  the 
manipulation  of  a  crank  in  connection  with  a  strip 
of  checkered  paper  makes  them  feel  quite  as  they 
do  when  guiding  their  cars  through  a  crowded 
thoroughfare  is  far  from  a  guaranty  *Hhat  the 
mental  function  which  they  were  going  through 
had  the  greatest  possible  similarity  with  their  ex- 
perience on  the  front  platform  of  the  electric 
car.''  It  is  much  more  conceivable  that  the  *^ men- 
tal attitude"  referred  to  was  merely  the  vague 


SPECIALIZED  TESTS  AND  METHODS     119 

feeling  that  ^^ Something  is  happening  now/' 
' '  This  keeps  me  busy, ' '  or  *  ^  What  a  nuisance  this 
thing  is. ' '  And  even  if  we  knew  the  mental  func- 
tions involved,  as  would  be  demanded  by  the  vo- 
cational psychograph  method,  we  are  still  a  long 
way  from  the  time  when  we  can  exhibit  even  a 
single  psychological  test  and  state  just  what  func- 
tion or  functions  its  performance  does  or  does  not, 
may  or  may  not,  involve.  Indeed  we  do  not  even 
know  what  the  various  distinct  mental  functions 
are,  or  whether,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  there  are  such 
distinct  functions. 

After  all,  the  miscellaneous,  random,  and  purely 
empirical  method  of  Lough,  Lahy  and  Woolley 
seems  to  be  the  most  promising  experimental  pro- 
cedure for  the  immediate  present,  and  perhaps 
for  some  time  to  come.  This  method  is,  to  be 
sure,  but  a  rough,  provisional  and  unanalyzed 
expedient.  It  calls  for  long  and  patient  coopera- 
tive labor.  It  does  not  at  once  afford  us  the  sys- 
tematic scientific  insight  which  we  may  wish  we 
possessed.  But  it  will  at  least  save  us  from  the 
delusion  that  we  already  possess  such  insight,  and 
it  should  serve  to  check  the  fervent  and  semi-re- 
ligious zeal  that  leads  us  to  mistake  prophecy  for 
service.  Analysis  and  classification  of  the  results 
which  this  method  yields  are  possible  when  the 


120  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

results  are  accumulated  in  adequate  measure. 
It  is  essential  that  interest  in  this  eminently 
practical  use  of  the  psychological  laboratory  be 
sustained  among  those  who  are  responsible  for  the 
further  promotion  of  its  methods  and  problems. 
But  it  is  undesirable  that  public  expectation 
should  be  strenuously  directed  toward  the  labora- 
tory until  it  has  done  more  than  the  outlining  of 
a  series  of  problems  and  the  initiation  of  prelimi- 
nary efforts  toward  their  solution.  These  special- 
ized vocational  methods,  the  miniature,  the  sam- 
pling, the  analogy,  and  the  empirical  procedure, 
constitute  four  definite  and  promising  instruments 
of  research.  They  have  yielded  results  of  such 
demonstrable  practical  value,  in  the  selection  of 
special  types  of  workers  and  in  the  detection  of 
particular  aptitudes  and  abilities,  that  the  appli- 
cation of  selected  mental  tests  has  already  come 
to  play  an  important  role  in  the  placement  and 
training  departments  of  a  considerable  number  of 
industrial  and  commercial  concerns.  While  the 
more  slowly  developing  individual  and  vocational 
psychographs  are  being  perfected,  these  special- 
ized vocational  tests  will  not  only  serve  the  pur- 
poses of  temporary  assistance  and  expedience,  but 
the  results  derived  from  their  intelligent  use  and 
their  further  patient  elaboration  will  contribute 


SPECIALIZED  TESTS  AND  METHODS     121 

materially  toward  the  establisliment  of  more  com- 
plete and  systematic  technique.^ 

^  In  the  Appendix  is  given  a  list  of  references  to  books  and 
articles  which  describe  numerous  tests  worth  trying  out  by 
the  empirical  method.  Instructions  should  be  carefully  fol- 
lowed so  that  results  may  be  comparable  with  those  secured 
by  other  workers. 


CHAPTEE   VI 

SELF-ANALYSIS  AND  THE   JUDGMENT  OF  ASSOCIATES 
THE  SELF-ANALYSIS  OF  THE  INDIVIDUAL 

We  have  now  reviewed  the  vocational  efforts 
of  primitive  magic,  medieval  clairvoyance,  phre- 
nology, physiognomies,  industrial  education,  the 
vocational  survey,  the  individual  psychograph  of 
genius,  the  vocational  psychograph,  the  graded 
scales  of  intelligence  tests,  and  the  four  proposed 
types  of  specialized  vocational  tests. 

We  have  yet  to  consider  three  further  methods 
available  for  the  purposes  of  vocational  psy- 
chology, that  of  **  self -analysis,"  and  that  of  the 
^'consensus  of  opinion'^  of  one's  associates,  and 
that  of  inferring  the  characteristics  of  the  indi- 
vidual from  his  achievement  in  the  work  of  the 
school  curriculum.  In  the  absence  of  more  reli- 
able ways  of  determining  the  capacities,  interests 
and  vocational  aptitudes  of  individuals  in  the 
past,  and  whenever  there  was  any  question  of  se- 
lection, fitness,  or  choice,  four  vague  methods  have 
often  been  followed.  (1)  Either  the  individual 
undertook  the  first  available  type  of  employment, 

122 


SELF-ANALYSIS  AND  JUDGMENT      123 

tried  it  out,  and  then  persevered  in  it  or  aban- 
doned it  for  a  trial  at  some  other  type  of  work 
until  a  suitable  occupation  was  found;  or  (2)  he 
continued  at  the  original  work  and  made  the  most 
of  the  results  and  of  the  ensuing  satisfactions  or 
dissatisfactions ;  or  (3)  he  felt  more  or  less  clearly 
drawn  to  some  particular  occupation  because  of  a 
keen  interest  in  it  or  because  he  believed  himself 
to  he  particularly  likely  to  succeed  in  it  because 
of  his  o^vn  analysis  of  his  aptitudes  and  charac- 
teristics; or' (4)  he  consulted  friends  and  associ- 
ates, asking  them  to  advise  him  on  the  basis  of 
their  impression  of  his  individuality  and  powers. 
The  unsatisfactoriness,  waste  and  misery  of  the 
first  two  of  these  methods  are  largely  responsible 
for  the  development  of  a  conscious  attempt  at  the 
vocational  guidance  of  youth.  Perhaps  if  more 
use  were  made  of  the  two  remaining  methods  we 
should  never  have  been  moved  to  initiate  the  la- 
borious work  called  for  by  the  psychographic  and 
the  test  methods.  Not  enough  critical  attention 
has  been  given  to  the  methods  of  self -analysis  and 
to  the  validity  of  the  judgments  passed  on  us  by 
our  associates.  The  difficulty  encountered  when 
one  seeks  for  information  on  such  questions  as  the 
following  indicates  the  desirability  of  further  and 
closer  study  of  these  matters. 


lU  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

1.  In  the  individuaPs  analysis  of  Ms  own  per- 
sonality, are  formal  guidance  and  method  needed, 
is  special  terminology  useful,  and  the  recorded  ex- 
perience of  others  an  aid  ? 

2.  If  so,  what  sort  of  guide  or  scheme  or  system 
may  such  self -analysis  profitably  follow? 

3.  Have  such  guides  to  the  introspective  analy- 
sis of  the  self  been  formulated,  and  by  whom, 
where,  and  when? 

4.  How  reliable  and  consistent  are  an  individu- 
al's judgments  of  his  own  characteristics,  inter- 
ests, and  aptitudes?  Has  one  any  constant  tend- 
ency to  overestimate  or  underestimate  himself? 

5.  Do  the  degree  of  reliability  and  consistency, 
and  this  constant  error  vary  in  any  way  with  the 
individual,  with  the  circumstances,  and  with  the 
particular  trait  that  is  being  estimated? 

6.  How  is  the  individual's  judgment  of  himself 
likely  to  compare  with  the  impression  of  him 
which  his  associates  form?  To  what  degree  does 
this  vary  with  the  individual,  the  trait,  and  the 
associates? 

7.  What  relation  exists  between  the  individual's 
opinion  of  himself  and  the  results  of  objective 
measurements  of  him,  such  as  those  afforded  by 
psychological  tests?  How  do  the  results  of  tests 
compare  with  the  judgments  of  associates? 


SELF-ANALYSIS  AND  JUDGMENT      125 

8.  Are  individuals  who  themselves  possess  a 
^ven  trait  in  high  degree  better  judges  of  that 
trait  in  themselves  or  in  others  than  are  those  who 
possess  the  trait  in  less  degree? 

9.  What  intercorrelations  exist  between  the  es- 
timates of  self  and  others,  when  different  traits 
are  compared^ 

10.  In  the  case  of  people  in  school,  what  rela- 
tions exist  between  the  self -estimate,  the  estimate 
of  others,  and  the  results  of  tests,  on  the  one  hand, 
and  school  standing,  academic  success,  and  extra- 
academic  activities  1  What  relation  between  these 
factors  and  successf ulness  in  later  life  1 

On  the  first  three  of  these  questions  I  shall  indi- 
cate in  following  sections  such  material  as  is  avail- 
able, pointing  out  where  the  more  valuable  and 
detailed  information  may  be  found.  On  the  re- 
maining seven  questions  recorded  information  is 
much  rarer.  Here  I  shall  summarize  the  available 
material  and  shall  also  present  tentative  answers 
based  on  an  original  investigation  which  was  con- 
ducted for  the  express  purpose  of  calling  more 
definite  attention  to  the  problems,  as  well  as  to 
suggest  fruitful  methods,  and  at  least  make  a 
beginning  in  the  accumulation  of  facts  concern- 
ing these  very  interesting  features  of  human 
nature. 


126  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

There  is  perhaps  no  proof  required  that  com- 
plete and  systematic  self -analysis  is  more  desir- 
able than  random  and  undirected  introspections, 
whatever  value  may  be  attached  to  the  results  of 
such  analysis.  Whatever  be  the  purpose  of  self 
analysis,  it  will  be  the  more  useful  and  sugges- 
tive the  more  completely  it  compasses  the  total 
range  of  capacities  and  inclinations.  Compari- 
son of  different  analyses  by  different  individuals 
should  result  in  a  synthesis  of  traits,  an  accept- 
able terminology  and  a  mode  of  statement  better 
calculated  to  throw  light  on  individual  equipment 
than  is  secured  by  the  methods  of  casual  and  un- 
guided  rumination.  So  far  as  possible  such  an- 
alyses should  proceed  in  terms  of  identifiable, 
comparable  and  measurable  characteristics  rather 
than  by  the  vague  categories  of  conversation  and 
literary  description.  Such  categories,  traits  and 
terminology  should  be  used  as  will  best  enable  the 
individual  not  only  to  state  his  own  reactions  in 
figures  of  speech,  but  also  to  compare  himself  with 
his  immediate  associates  and  with  characters  less 
directly  known. 

One  of  the  first  attempts  to  draw  up  a  list  of 
fundamental  qualities  as  an  aid  in  the  inventory 
of  a  given  individual's  particular  nature  was 
made  by  Professor  Cattell  in  an  article  concern- 


SELF-ANALYSIS  AND  JUDGMENT      127 

ing  the  characteristics  of  men  of  science.    Twen- 
ty-four traits  are  enumerated,  as  follows : 

Physical  Health  Eeasonableness 

Mental  Balance  Clearness 

Intellect  Independence 

Emotions  Cooperativeness 

Will  Unselfishness 

Quickness  Kindliness 

Intensity      ^  Cheerfulness 

Breadth  Eefinement 

Energy  Integrity 

Judgment  Courage 

Originality  Efficiency 

Perseverance  Leadership 

Of  this  list  Thorndike  has  written:  ** These  ele- 
ments of  manhood  or  components  in  mental 
structure  hail  from  a  mixture  of  psychological 
theory  and  general  reflection  on  human  behavior. 
It  is  regrettable  that  the  list  has  not  been  pub- 
lished more  widely  and  used  in  a  variety  of  con- 
nections. It  seems  probable  that  these  signifi- 
cant nouns  may  in  many  cases  be  paralleled  by 
natural  units  of  mental  organization-atoms  in  the 
human  compound.  I  venture  to  suggest  also,  as 
at  least  a  provisional  principle  of  organization, 
the  instincts  or  original  tendencies  of  man  as  a 
species,  it  being  my  opinion  that  some  of  the 
terms  of  the  above  list  refer  to  rather  complex 
concatenations  of  traits  in  man's  nature  which 


128  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

have  only  the  artificial  unity  of  producing  some 
defined  result  in  human  life/' 

Partridge,  in  his  ''Outline  of  Individual 
Study, ' '  gives  an  account  of  methods  whereby  the 
teacher  may  assist  the  young  child  in  discovering 
his  or  her  particular  physical  and  mental  consti- 
tution. The  book  contains  a  brief  outline  for  such 
study  and  enumerates  many  pages  of  words  de- 
scriptive of  human  nature.  The  main  aspects  of 
the  mental  life  of  children  are  taken  up  in  suc- 
cessive chapters  and  discussed  in  a  general  way, 
with  suggestions  in  the  way  of  tests,  problems, 
questions,  points  of  observation,  etc. 

The  ''Family  History  Book''  (Bulletin  No.  7) 
of  the  Eugenics  Eecord  Office  contains  a  scheme, 
arranged  by  Drs.  Hoch  and  Amsden,  for  the  exam^ 
ination  of  the  personality  of  persons  suspected  of 
mental  abnormality.  This  scheme  is  further  elab- 
orated by  Wells  in  an  outline  to  be  referred  to  at 
a  later  point  in  this  chapter.  In  the  ' '  Trait  Book' ' 
(Bulletin  No.  6)  of  this  same  office  there  is  to  be 
found  a  long  list  of  traits  descriptive  of  human 
beings,  including  physical  and  physiological  as 
well  as  nervous  and  mental  characteristics.  These 
traits  are  classified  for  convenient  reference  and 
record  according  to  a  decimal  key.  The  pamphlet 
also  contains  classified  lists  of  diseases,  crimes, 


SELF-ANALYSIS  AND  JUDGMENT       129 

and  occupations.  Various  other  bulletins  issued 
by  the  Eugenics  Eecord  Office  will  also  be  found 
both  interesting  and  suggestive  to  those  inter- 
ested in  the  study  of  self-analysis,  heredity  and 
individual  differences.  They  contain  nothing, 
however,  of  immediate  vocational  applicability. 

Dr.  F.  L.  Wells  has  made  a  comparative  study 
and  synthesis  of  the  schemes  proposed  by  Cattell, 
Hoch  and  Amsden,  Heymans  and  Wiersma,  and 
Davenport,  supplementing  these  at  certain  points 
and  suggesting  a  method  of  giving  more  or  less 
quantitative  form  to  the  characterizations.  It  is 
obvious  that  an  outline  of  this  sort  can  be  used 
in  expressing  the  personality  of  another  Individ- 
ual  as  well  as  for  the  purposes  of  self-analysis. 
Such  an  outline  is  of  value  not  only  for  general 
knowledge  or  for  vocational  study  but  also  in  the 
examination  into  questions  of  mental  health, 
pathological  tendencies  and  trends,  predisposi- 
tions leading  to  or  favoring  mental  instability, 
etc.  Wells  describes  fourteen  phases  or  aspects 
of  humaa  personality,  and  under  each  phase  pre- 
sents guiding  questions,  suggestive  clues,  and  sub- 
features.  Especially  convenient  and  helpful  is 
the  method  of  giving  an  approximate  quantitative 
statement  which  facilitates  comparison  and  sum- 
mation.   Suitable  marks  assigned  to  the  several 


130  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

different  cliaracteristics  under  each  of  the  four- 
teen main  headings  (there  are  in  all  about  ninety- 
five  subtraits)  serve  to  indicate  marked,  distinct 
or  doubtful  presence,  or  marked,  distinct  or 
doubtful  deficiency  or  aversion. 

The  main  headings  given  by  Wells  are  as  fol- 
lows: 

1.  Intellectual  Processes  (5  subtopics) 

2.  Output  of  Energy  (4  subtopics) 

3.  Self  Assertion  (7  subtopics) 

4.  Adaptability  (5  subtopics) 

5.  General  Habits  of  Work  (5  subtopics) 

6.  Moral  Sphere  (6  subtopics) 

7.  Eecreative  Activities  (16  subtopics) 

8.  General  Cast  of  Mood  (3  subtopics) 

9.  Attitude  Toward  Self  (4  subtopics) 

10.  Attitude  Toward  Others  (7  subtopics) 

11.  Eeactions  to  Attitude  Toward  Self  and  Oth- 

ers (12  subtopics) 

12.  Position  Towards  Reality  (5  subtopics) 

13.  Sexual  Sphere  (9  subtopics) 

14.  Balancing  Factors  (6  subtopics) 

The  complete  outline,  accompanied  by  much 
suggestive  discussion  and  comment  on  the  con- 
stitution, development  and  types  of  human  per- 
sonality, is  published  in  the  issue  of  the  Psycho- 


SELF-ANALYSIS  AND  JUDGMENT       131 

logical  Review  for  July,  1914.  It  should  be  care- 
fully read  by  all  interested  in  this  type  of  indi- 
vidual analysis. 

One  of  the  most  carefully  planned,  easily  avail- 
able and  concretely  serviceable  outlines  for  self- 
analysis  is  that  recently  formulated  and  published 
by  Yerkes  and  LaRue  under  the  title  '^Outline 
of  a  Study  of  the  Self^'  (Harvard  University 
Press,  1914).  The  authors  of  this  outline  have 
found  that  a  study  of  ancestry,  development  and 
present  constitution  is  an  extremely  profitable 
task.  They  present  this  guide  as  an  aid  to  such 
systematic  and  thorough  study.  The  purpose  of 
such  study  is  threefold:  (1)  to  help  the  individ- 
ual understand  himself  or  herself;  (2)  to  help  the 
individual  understand  and  sympathize  with  oth- 
ers; (3)  to  arouse  interest  in  the  study  of  he- 
redity, environmental  influences,  eugenics  and 
euthenics. 

The  ^'Outline''  is  put  together  on  the  looseleaf 
system,  with  blank  pages  for  records  and  replies. 
Under  the  heading  ^'Ancestral  History  of  the 
Self  are  given  the  ^* Record  of  Family  Traits" 
of  the  Eugenics  Record  Office,  and  many  supple- 
mentary questions  concerning  physical,  mental, 
moral  and  social  traits  of  near  relatives,  with  sug- 
gestions as  to  their  classification  and  evaluation. 


132  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

Under  **  Development  or  Growth  of  the  Self  and 
**The  Self  of  Today''  the  prenatal,  infantile,  child- 
hood and  adolescent  periods  and  the  present  time 
are  each  provided  with  questions  concerning  char- 
acteristics, influences,  growth,  temperament,  in- 
clinations, habits,  capacities  and  social  relations. 
Under  *  *  The  Significance  of  the  Characteristics  of 
the  Self"  are  given  questions  concerning  voca- 
tional demands,  equipment,  and  ambitions ;  mari- 
tal propensities  and  fitness;  responsibilities  and 
preparation  for  parenthood;  and  the  *^ Index  to 
the  Germ  Plasm"  of  the  Eugenics  Kecord  Office  is 
considered.  A  final  section  invites  reflection  on 
*^The  Duties  of  the  Self  as  a  Member  of  Social 
Groups"  in  the  light  of  physical  and  mental  con- 
stitution, moral  and  religious  tendencies,  voca- 
tional abilities,  and  marital  and  parental  relations 
and  duties. 

Such  attempts  to  present  suggestive  outlines 
for  self -analysis  or  for  the  inventory  of  the  traits 
of  others  are  both  commendable  and  timely.  That 
they  are  but  beginnings  in  the  right  direction 
their  authors  commonly  recognize.  Their  sup- 
porting idea  is  not  that  employers,  teachers  or 
physicians  should  take  the  individual's  replies  to 
these  questions  as  embodying  information  which 
the  individual  did  not  previously  know  about  him- 


SELF-ANALYSIS  AND  JUDGMENT       133 

self.  The  individual,  in  attempting  to  express 
and  analyze  his  inclinations  and  reactions,  may- 
find  them  clarified  and  ordered  in  the  process. 
He  is  likely  to  discover  at  a  very  early  point  in 
his  record  how  little  he  is  really  able  to  say  about 
himself  with  assurance.  If  this  should  induce  a 
humility  which  would  lead  him  to  more  careful 
self-scrutiny,  such  value  as  this  subjective  stock- 
taking may  have  will  surely  tend  to  be  enhanced. 


THE  JUDGMENT  OF  ASSOCIATES 

No  less  important  than  the  correct  evaluation 
of  the  individuars  self -analysis  is  the  problem  of 
evaluating  the  judgments  which  his  acquaintances 
pass  on  his  mental  constitution  and  qualifications. 
Not  only  does  the  youth  often  determine  his  choice 
of  a  vocation  by  relying  on  the  advice  of  his  as- 
sociates, teachers,  and  friends,  but  his  success  in 
securing  an  opportunity  to  undertake  any  kind 
of  work  whatsoever  often  depends  on  the  oral 
or  written  estimate  of  some  other  person  of  whom 
inquiry  is  made.  Selection  on  the  basis  of  the 
testimonial  and  the  recommendation  has  come  to 
be  a  traditional  vocational  step. 

*  ^  The  problem  of  judgment  of  character  is  one 
which  is  continually  confronting  people  of  all 


134  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

classes  and  stations.  In  many  instances  the  cor- 
rect estimate  of  a  person's  character  is  of  vital 
importance.  The  success  of  officers  of  adminis- 
tration from  the  President  of  the  United  States 
to  the  school  superintendent  of  a  small  village 
depends  often  on  their  ability  to  choose  for  their 
subordinates  persons  of  the  proper  character.  In 
everyday  life  one's  happy  choice  of  friends,  one's 
ability  to  sell  goods,  to  persuade  people  to  accept 
a  new  point  of  view  or  doctrine,  to  get  on  har- 
moniously with  people  in  general  in  all  the  vari- 
ous occupations  of  life,  depend  upon  one's  ability 
to  estimate  the  powers,  capacities,  and  character- 
istics of  people.  To  those  who  have  to  make  per- 
sonal recommendations  or  to  make  use  of  those 
made  by  others,  this  question  of  judgment  of 
character  is  a  grave  one.  Is  it  possible  for  one 
to  judge  at  all  fairly  the  character  of  another ?' '  ^ 
We  are  concerned  here  not  with  inference  from 
physiognomic  features  and  anthropometric  meas- 
urements, but  with  impressions  based  on  the  ob- 
served conduct,  expression  and  achievement  of 
the  individual  who  is  in  question,  his  or  her  char- 
acteristic behavior,  attitudes,  activities,  reactions, 
and  accomplishments.    When  the  individual  being 

^  Norsworthy,  "The  Validity  of  Judgments  of  Character," 
in  "Essays  in  Honor  of  William  James,"  p.  553. 


SELF-ANALYSIS  AND  JUDGMENT       135 

judged  is  a  total  stranger  and  the  judgment  is 
immediate,  estimates  of  character  are  of  course 
merely  of  the  type  discussed  in  preceding  sec- 
tions on  phrenology  and  physiognomy. 

Professor  Cattell  once  requested  twelve  ac- 
quaintances of  five  scientific  men  to  grade  these 
five  men  in  the  various  traits  of  character  to 
which  we  have  referred  on  page  127.  The  grades 
assigned  were  to  represent  the  position  of  the 
individual  in  his  group.  Thus  a  grade  of  twenty- 
five  per  cent  would  mean  that  the  individual  be- 
longed in  the  lowest  one-quarter  of  the  total 
group  of  scientific  men  in  the  country,  in  the  trait 
so  marked,  three-fourths  of  the  group  being  su- 
perior to  him  in  this  trait.  A  grade  of  one  hun- 
dred per  cent  would  mean  that  the  individual  so 
graded  would  belong  among  the  highest  one  per 
cent  of  all  the  scientific  men  in  the  country,  in  the 
trait  so  marked.  When  these  records  were  com- 
piled it  was  seen  that  in  the  case  of  certain  traits, 
such  as  energy,  perseverance,  efficiency,  the 
twelve  judges  differed  much  less  among  them- 
selves than  when  judging  other  traits,  such  as 
cheerfulness,  kindliness,  unselfishness.  It  is  inter- 
esting to  note  that  the  traits  on  which  the  judges 
agreed  closely  represent  the  individuaPs  reac- 
tions to  objective  things,  whereas  the  traits  on 


136  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

which  they  disagreed  most  represent  the  individu- 
al's  reactions  toward  other  people. 

There  are,  of  course,  several  reasons  for  this 
result.  In  the  first  place  the  reactions  of  an 
individual  to  objects,  as  displayed  in  his  daily 
work,  are  matters  of  common  knowledge  and  are 
likely  to  leave  objective  and  even  measurable  evi- 
dence such  as  wealth,  books,  buildings,  etc.  Ee- 
actions  to  other  individuals  are  more  likely  to 
vary  with  the  occasion  and  with  the  companion, 
and  are  also  likely  to  be  deliberately  controlled, 
inhibited  or  assumed,  in  the  interest  of  more  ob- 
jective and  remote  ends.  This  would  mean  that 
whereas  in  the  first  case  all  the  judges  were  deal- 
ing with  much  the  same  material,  in  the  form  of 
actual  products  of  the  traits  in  question,  in  the 
second  case  they  were  more  or  less  likely  to  have 
in  mind  rather  different  reactions  or  occasions  of 
a  more  strictly  personal  character. 

The  problem  of  the  validity  of  judgments  of  the 
various  traits  was  considered  in  a  more  detailed 
way  by  Norsworthy,  from  whose  account  of  her 
inquiry  we  have  already  quoted.  She  chose  the 
traits  enumerated  by  Cattell,  and  performed  sev- 
eral experiments  to  determine  the  reliability  of 
judgments  of  this  sort.  Thus  she  had  five  inti- 
mate acquaintances  independently  grade  a  sixth 


SELF-ANALYSIS  AND  JUDGMENT       137 

person  for  her  possession  of  these  twenty-four 
traits,  on  two  different  occasions  several  weeks 
apart. 

Two  things  were  clearly  shown.  In  the  first 
place  the  individual  judges,  in  their  second  trials, 
did  not  diverge  far  from  their  first  ratings.  In 
the  second  place  the  double  judgments  of  the  five 
different  judges  did  not  diverge  far  from  each 
other.  These  two  facts  **  prove  that  the  ratings 
do  stand  for  some  actual  quantitative  value  and 
are  not  subject  to  mere  chance.  The  validity  of 
the  judgments,  in  the  sense  of  their  correspond- 
ence with  the  actual  character  of  X  is  then  only 
a  matter  of  the  impartiality  of  the  group  of 
judges. ' ' 

Similar  results  were  found  in  the  judgments  of 
nine  members  of  a  college  society  by  five  of  their 
comrades,  and  in  the  judgments  of  a  teacher  by 
two  hundred  college  students.  It  was  apparent 
also  that  judges  differ  from  one  another  in  the 
general  accuracy  of  their  gradings.  Some  of 
them  agree  closely  with  the  consensus  of  opinion, 
while  others  depart,  in  varying  degrees,  from 
the  average  or  correct  estimate.  It  was  also  seen 
that,  in  estimating  certain  individuals,  judges  with 
presumably  equal  acquaintance  with  those  being 
judged  agreed  closely  with  one  another.     Other 


138  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

persons  had  produced  quite  different  impressions 
on  the  different  judges  and  this  was  revealed  in 
the  greater  divergence  of  the  grades  assigned  to 
such  persons. 

As  in  the  case  of  Cattell's  results,  figures  are 
presented  showing  the  degree  of  divergence 
among  the  judges  in  estimating  the  different 
traits.  In  the  table  on  page  139  these  figures  are 
given,  as  shown  in  the  records  of  five  judges  in 
one  of  Norsworthy^s  experiments,  and  the  rec- 
ords of  the  twelve  judges  in  CattelPs  investiga- 
tion. The  average  variability  or  degree  of  di- 
vergence for  all  the  twenty-four  traits  is  taken  as 
the  standard  and  each  trait  compared  with  this 
standard.  A  variability  of  one  hundred  thus  in- 
dicates the  average  amount  of  disagreement. 
Figures  smaller  than  one  hundred  indicate  that 
the  agreement  was  closer  than  average,  and  fig- 
ures larger  than  one  hundred  indicate  that  here 
the  judges  disagreed  by  more  than  the  average 
amount. 

Naturally,  there  is  not  perfect  agreement  in 
these  two  cases,  since  the  one  set  of  data  is  from 
a  group  of  girls  judging  one  another  on  the  basis 
of  their  acquaintance  as  social  comrades  and  fel- 
low students,  while  the  other  set  is  from  scientific 
men  judging  one  another  on  the  basis  of  less  con- 


SELF-ANALYSIS  AND  JUDGMENT      139 


TABLE  1 

Variability  in  Judging  Different  Traits 


Relative  Divergence  of  Different  Judges 

Trait 

CatteU, 
12  Judges 

Norsworthy, 
5  Judges 

Average  of  Both 
Experiments 

Efficiency 

75.0 
95.2 
90.0 
95.2 

75.0 
100.0 

85.1 
100.0 

90.0 

104.9 
110.2 

85.1 
115.0 
104.9 

90.0 
115.0 
120.0 

75.0 
100.0 

115.0 
104.9 
125.0 
130.0 
120.0 

92.4 

77.2 
88.0 
92.0 

101.0 

78.7 

98.1 

^2.4 

102.9 

75.7 
81.8 

113.7 
86.4 
98.5 

116.5 
92.4 
91.0 

109.0 

119.5 

106.0 
130.1 
113.5 
112.0 
125.7 

83.7  (Close 
86.2  Agree- 
89.0  ment) 
93  6 

Originality           .... 

Quickness     

Intellect 

Perseverance 

88.1 

Judgment 

89.4  (Fair 
91.8  Agree- 
96.2  ment) 
96  5 

Will                  

Breadth     

Leadership 

Clearness              .    . 

90  3 

Mental  Balance 

Intensity            

96.0 
99  4 

Reasonableness 

Independence 

Refinement 

100.7  (Slight 
101.7  Agree- 
103.5  ment) 
103.7 
105  5 

Physical  Health 

Emotions 

Enersrv     

91  0 

Courage  

109  8 

Unselfishness 

110  5 

Integrity 

117.5  (Little 
119.3  AgKie- 
121.0  ment) 
122  9 

Cooperativeness  .  .  .  .  . 
Cheerfulness 

Kindliness 

stant  association  and  largely  on  acquaintance  in 
lecturing,  research,  teaching  and  the  writing  of 
articles  and  books.  Moreover,  results  from 
groups  of  only  five  judges  in  the  one  case  and  only 


140  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

twelve  in  the  other  are  subject  to  considerable 
variable  error.  In  spite  of  these  facts,  interesting 
suggestions  are  afforded  by  the  comparison. 

It  is  to  be  noted  that  certain  traits  show  small 
divergence  in  both  cases.  Thus  intellect,  quick- 
ness, originality  and  efficiency  have  low  meas- 
ures of  variability,  both  for  the  sorority  members 
and  for  the  men  of  science.  The  average  percent- 
ages of  these  four  traits  are,  in  the  order  named, 
93.6,  89.0,  86.2,  and  83.7.  These,  it  is  to  be  ob- 
served, are  the  traits  which  are  likely  to  yield 
objective  products.  The  more  personal,  social 
and  moral  traits,  however,  such  as  cooperative- 
ness,  unselfishness,  kindliness,  cheerfulness,  and 
integrity,  show  large  divergence  of  the  individual 
judgment  with  both  groups.  The  average  meas- 
ures of  variability  for  these  traits,  in  the  order 
named,  are  119.3,  110.5,  122.9,  121.0,  and  117.5. 
There  is  another  group  of  traits  which,  while 
showing  only  about  average  variability  with  one 
group,  show  close  agreement  in  the  other:  such 
as  will,  judgment,  perseverance,  leadership  and 
breadth.  These,  it  is  clear,  are  more  nearly  like 
the  objective  than  they  are  like  the  personal  traits. 
Then  there  are  several  traits  which,  while  show- 
ing only  average  variability  with  one  group,  show 
large  divergences  in  the  other,  such  as  courage 


SELF-ANALYSIS  AND  JUDGMENT       141 

and  independence.  These  would  seem  to  be  more 
nearly  like  the  more  strictly  personal  traits. 

Norsworthy  points  out  that  the  traits  about 
which  inquiries  are  commonly  made  in  recom- 
mendation blanks  sent  out  by  teachers'  agencies, 
employment  bureaus,  and  employers,  tend  to  be 
those  on  which,  according  to  her  results,  individ- 
ual opinion  is  least  reliable.  Traits  such  as  orig- 
inality, judgment,  clearness  and  quickness,  on 
which  judgments  are  most  unanimous  and  consist- 
ent, are  usually  omitted  from  these  blanks.  This 
indicates  the  desirability  of  a  more  careful  exami- 
nation into  the  general  validity  of  this  type  of 
judgment. 

Here,  then,  as  in  all  the  other  topics  that  we 
have  had  occasion  to  discuss,  we  find  that  our 
present  knowledge  is  far  from  adequate  to  meet 
the  demands  of  practical  life.  Available  results 
are  tentative  only,  but  they  are  so  suggestive  as 
to  afford  a  series  of  interesting  problems  for  fur- 
ther investigation.  The  validity  of  judgments  of 
associates  varies  with  the  judge,  with  the  trait  in 
question,  and  with  the  person  who  is  being  esti- 
mated. But  it  does  not  vary  at  random ;  it  varies 
in  what  seem  to  be  fairly  definite,  common,  and 
determinable  ways.  That  we  do  not  know  more 
about  the  precise  nature  of  these  variations  means 


142  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

merely  that  few  persons  have  taken  the  trouble 
to  inquire  into  the  matter. 

The  use  of  oral  and  written  reconmaendations, 
testimonials,  ^  ^  characters, ' '  and  letters  of  intro- 
duction should  be  based  on  a  careful  study  of 
these  materials.  Especially  should  we  know  more 
than  we  now  do  concerning  the  reliability  of  judg- 
ment in  the  case  of  the  different  traits,  the  likeli- 
hood that  the  verdict  of  a  single  judge  will  agree 
with  the  consensus  of  opinion,  the  relation  of 
these  judgments  to  the  individuaPs  self -estimate, 
and  the  accordance  of  both  these  with  the  results 
of  objective  performance.  In  the  following  chap- 
ter some  of  these  questions  will  be  further  con- 
sidered. 


CHAPTER   VII 

EXPERIMENTAL    STUDY    OF    SELF-ANALYSIS,    ESTIMATES 
OF  ASSOCIATES  AND  THE  EESULTS  OF  TESTS 

As  we  have  already  remarked,  it  would  be  of 
scientific  interest  and  of  practical  value  in  voca- 
tional psychology  if  we  knew  something  more  or 
less  precise  concerning  the  reliability  of  the  in- 
dividual's self-analysis.  It  would  be  of  equal  in- 
terest and  value  to  know  in  what  ways  the  results 
of  such  introspection  compare  with  the  judgments 
of  friends  and  the  results  of  actual  measurement. 
By  way  of  initiating  investigations  of  these  and 
related  questions  the  following  experiments  have 
been  carried  out.  The  results  to  be  reported  are 
so  suggestive  as  to  make  very  desirable  a  continu- 
ation and  extension  of  researches  of  this  kind. 

From  a  list  of  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  stu- 
dents in  their  third  college  year  each  member  of 
the  group  was  asked  to  indicate  by  marking,  as 
3,  2,  1,  or  0,  the  degree  of  her  acquaintance  with 
each  of  the  others.  From  the  total  list  a  group 
of  twenty-five  were  selected,  all  of  whom  were  ac- 
quainted with  one  another.    At  intervals  varying 

143 


144  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

from  two  weeks  to  a  month  each  individual  was 
given  twenty-five  slips  of  paper  bearing  the 
names  of  these  acquaintances  and  including  the 
individual's  own  name.  She  was  asked  to  arrange 
the  members  of  the  group  in  order  of  merit,  on 
each  occasion,  according  to  their  degree  of  pos- 
session of  some  one  trait,  such  as  neatness,  hu- 
mor, intelligence,  conceit,  etc.  Thus  in  the  case  of 
neatness,  for  example,  the  twenty-five  persons 
were  to  be  placed  in  a  series  with  the  neatest  at 
one  end,  the  most  slovenly  at  the  other  end,  and 
all  the  others  arranged  in  their  appropriate  inter- 
mediate positions,  as  based  on  the  judge's  per- 
sonal opinion  of  them.  The  judge  was  to  include 
her  own  name  in  the  series,  placing  herself  where 
she  believed  herself  to  belong  in  relation  to  her 
twenty-four  acquaintances.  The  record  was  then 
handed  in,  in  an  apparently  anonymous  way,  but, 
unknown  to  the  individuals,  accurate  record  was 
kept,  identifying  each  arrangement.  This  was 
done  in  order  that  the  judges  might  be  encour- 
aged to  the  greatest  degree  of  frankness  both  in 
judging  their  acquaintances  and  in  recording 
their  self-estimates.  The  different  arrangements 
were  separated  by  considerable  intervals  of  time, 
so  that  the  judgments  of  the  various  traits  should 
be  influenced  as  little  as  possible  by  the  memory 


EXPERIMENTS,  ESTIMATES,  RESULTS     145 

of  where  the  different  individuals  in  the  list  had 
been  placed  for  other  traits  on  previous  occa- 
sions. 

In  addition  to  this  part  of  the  experiment,  each 
person  was  put  through  a  series  of  seven  psycho- 
logical tests,  all  of  which  had  been  rather  gener- 
ally found  to  give  results  which  revealed,  to  a  very 
high  degree  of  correctness,  the  general  intelli- 
gence of  people  when  this  was  determined  in 
other  ways,  as  by  mental  age,  school  grade,  aca- 
demic marks,  opinions  of  teachers,  judgments  of 
friends,  etc.  The  particular  tests  used  were  the 
Graded  Completion  Test,  described  in  a  previous 
section,  and  six  so-called  Association  Tests,  rec- 
ommended by  the  Committee  on  Standardization 
of  Tests  of  the  American  Psychological  Associa- 
tion. They  are  usually  known  as  Directions  Test, 
Opposites  Test,  Supraordinate  Concept  Test, 
Whole-Part  Test,  Action- Agent  Test,  and  Mixed 
Relations  Test.  Copies  of  the  forms  used  in  these 
tests  are  given  in  the  Appendix. 

All  of  these  tests  involve  the  demand  for  the 
quick  and  accurate  perception  of  and  reaction  to 
the  relations  of  things  or  ideas  to  each  other. 
Everything  indicates  that  this  ability  is  most  im- 
portant and  determining  in  the  composition  of 
that  characteristic  which  we  vaguely  call  ^*gen- 


146  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

eral  intelligence,''  especially  if  we  are  dealing 
with  people  with  school  experience. 

Furthermore,  the  academic  marks  of  scholar- 
ship assigned  to  these  twenty-five  students  by 
their  instructors  in  diffent  college  branches  dur- 
ing three  terms  of  college  work  were  secured  from 
the  official  records.  Judgments  of  the  degree  to 
which  the  different  students  had  been  prominent 
in  extra-academic  activities  during  their  college 
career  were  made  by  officers  of  the  college  who 
had  known  them  during  this  time.  Photographs 
of  the  twenty-five  persons,  of  the  same  general 
style  and  size,  were  secured  also,  as  well  as  char- 
acteristic specimens  of  their  handwriting. 

This  experiment  having  been  completed,  a 
similar  investigation  was  undertaken  with  twen- 
ty-five members  of  the  senior  class.  The  same 
method  of  procedure  was  followed  as  in  the  first 
case,  the  same  traits  judged,  the  same  tests  ad- 
ministered, etc.  This  second  investigation  thus 
affords  a  check  on  the  results  of  the  first  study. 
"When  the  results  from  the  two  investigations  are 
averaged  we  have  figures  of  considerable  relia- 
bility, and  fairly  accurate  data  on  numerous  in- 
teresting questions. 

Probably  never  before  have  such  diverse  ways 
been   employed  in   attempting  to   get   intensive 


EXPERIMENTS,  ESTIMATES,  RESULTS    147 

measurements  of  the  individuality.  The  material 
enables  us  to  throw  preliminary  and  suggestive 
light  on  many  of  the  questions  we  have  already 
raised.  It  should  of  course  be  fully  recognized 
that  the  results  of  this  little  investigation  cannot 
be  generalized  into  final  conclusions  which  will 
be  true  in  other  cases,  without  further  verification 
of  them.  The  results  show  only  what  happened 
in  this  case,  and  only  to  that  degree  do  they  sug- 
gest what  we  may  expect  to  be  generally  true. 
Many  similar  studies  must  be  made,  under  all 
sorts  of  conditions  and  by  a  variety  of  methods, 
before  we  shall  have  the  final  answers  to  our  ques- 
tions. But  the  results  are  no  less  valuable  be- 
cause of  their  lack  of  finality.  Tentative  as  they 
may  be,  they  nevertheless  show  what  happened 
in  the  only  recorded  attempt  to  find  answers  to 
the  questions  we  have  been  considering.  If  the 
reader  will  now  turn  back  to  page  124  he  wiU  note 
how  numerous,  important,  and  complex  these 
questions  are,  and  how  little  is  at  present  known 
about  them. 

Turning  now  to  our  experiment,  it  will  be  ob- 
served that  only  in  the  case  of  intelligence  do  we 
have  what  purport  to  be  objective  measures  of  a 
trait,  viz.,  the  results  of  the  psychological  tests 
and  the  academic  records.     But  we  have,  in  the 


148  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

average  of  the  judgments  of  the  twenty-five  indi- 
viduals, in  the  case  of  this  and  also  of  the  vari- 
ous other  traits,  what  constitutes  as  valid  a  meas- 
urement as  it  is  possible  to  secure  under  the  cir- 
cumstances. Neatness,  conceit,  humor,  beauty, 
etc.,  are  not  to  be  conceived  as  substances  of 
which  the  different  individuals  possess  different 
amounts.  These  traits  are  mainly  ways  of  be- 
having or  ways  of  impressing  our  neighbors.  No 
better  measure  of  them  exists  than  the  actual 
statement  of  what  this  impression  is.  Just  as  the 
value  of  a  commodity  depends  entirely  on  what, 
as  a  matter  of  fact,  people  can  be  persuaded  to 
pay  for  it,  so  the  beauty,  conceit,  neatness,  etc.,  of 
an  individual  are  mainly  constituted  by  the  kind 
of  impression  the  individual  makes  on  those  about 
him.  At  least  we  may  be  sure  that  only  to  the  de- 
gree that  such  traits  actually  manifest  themselves 
and  thus  determine  the  reactions  of  others  toward 
the  individual  concerned,  only  to  that  degree  do 
the  traits  have  vocational  significance.  Lovable- 
ness  is  just  the  degree  to  which  people  actually 
have  affection  for  us ;  eminence  is  just  the  degree 
to  which  the  individual  becomes  approvingly 
known ;  and  kindliness  and  benevolence  are  pres- 
ent to  just  the  degree  that  people  are  actually 
gratified  and  comforted  by  our  conduct. 


EXPERIMENTS,  ESTIMATES,  RESULTS     149 

Let  us  turn  at  once  to  the  actual  results  of  our 
experiments.  It  will  perhaps  be  best  to  ask  spe- 
cific questions  about  them  and  in  the  case  of  each 
question  present  the  data  and  draw  such  conclu- 
sions as  the  figures  warrant.  In  the  figures  which 
follow  I  have  averaged  together  the  results  from 
the  two  investigations,  so  that  our  conclusions  or 
suggestions  may  have  the  highest  possible  valid- 
ity. In  some  other  connection  it  would  be  inter- 
esting to  compare  the  two  sets  of  data,  and  to  at- 
tempt to  explain  certain  differences  which  are  to 
be  found  between  them.  But  in  the  present  in- 
stance it  is  our  chief  concern  to  exhibit  the  method 
of  procedure  and  to  indicate  the  type  of  informa- 
tion which  may  be  secured  from  such  investiga- 
tions. Many  more  such  studies  must  be  made  be- 
fore the  results  can  be  said  to  apply  to  human 
nature  at  large,  or  before  the  tendencies  discov- 
ered can  legitimately  be  expected  to  be  present  in 
the  case  of  any  particular  individual. 

7.  How  do  the  self -estimates  of  these  fifty  per- 
sons agree  with  the  judgments  passed  on  them  by 
their  acquaintances?  The  following  table  gives, 
in  the  case  of  each  of  the  nine  traits  studied,  the 
average  deviation  of  the  self -estimates  of  the  va- 
rious individuals  from  the  median  position  as- 
signed them  by  their  twenty-four  associates,  and 


150 


VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 


also  the  average  deviation  ^  among  these  twenty- 
four  associates  in  their  judgments  of  each  indi- 
vidual. The  figure  given  is  in  terms  of  the  num- 
ber of  positions  in  the  total  scale  of  twenty-five 
possible  positions.    Thus,  in  the  case  of  neatness, 


TABLE  2 

Error  op  Self-Estimates  Compared  with  Error  of  Judgments 
OF  24  Associates 


Neatness. . . . 
Intelligence. . 

Humor 

Conceit 

Beauty 

Vulgarity.  .  . 
Snobbishness 
Refinement. . 
Sociability.  . 


A.E.ofSelf-Est. 


5.8 
6.0 
7.3 
5.7 
6.0 
6.1 
5.1 
7.2 
5.4 


the  figures  mean  that,  whereas  each  individual,  in 
the  long  run,  displaces  herself  by  5.8  positions 
from  her  true  or  median  position,  the  twenty-four 
associates  deviate  on  the  average  by  only  4.5 
places  in  their  judgments  of  another  person. 
That  is  to  say,  the  individuaPs  error  in  judging 
herself  is  somewhat  greater  than  the  average  er- 
ror of  her  friends  in  their  judgments  of  her.    The 

^  See  footnote  on  p.  42  for  an  explanation  of  the  computa- 
tion and  meaning  of  such  measures  of  deviation  or  error. 


EXPERIMENTS,  ESTIMATES,  RESULTS     151 

individual  does  not  judge  herself  as  accurately 
as  she  is  judged  by  her  friends. 

In  all  cases  the  individual  places  herself  farther 
from  her  true  position  than  do  her  friends  on 
the  average.  The  average  of  all  the  deviations  of 
associates  is  4.4  places ;  that  of  all  the  individual 
self-estimates  is  6.1  places.  That  is  to  say,  in 
general  the  error  of  self-estimation  tends  to  be 
half  again  as  great  as  the  average  error  of  the 
judgments  of  associates.  In  other  words,  these 
students  do  not  judge  themselves  as  accurately  as 
their  friends  judge  them,  if  the  average  position 
assigned  the  individual  by  the  group  of  twenty- 
four  associates  may  be  taken  as  a  fair  measure  of 
the  individual's  true  status  in  the  group. 

77.  Is  there  any  constant  tendency  toward  over- 
estimation  or  underestimation,  in  the  case  of  the 
individuals  self -estimates,  and  if  so,  how  does 
this  tendency  vary  ivith  the  trait  in  question?  It 
may  be  said  in  answer  to  this  question,  first,  that 
in  the  case  of  none  of  the  traits  do  all  the  indi- 
viduals consistently  either  overrate  or  under- 
rate themselves.  But  if  the  self -displacements  be 
averaged  algebraically,  certain  very  definite  tend- 
encies tow^ard  constant  errors  are  revealed.  The 
following  table  shows  the  constant  error  in  the 
case  of  each  trait.    In  the  case  of  ''undesirable'' 


162 


VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 


traits  (conceit,  vulgarity  and  snobbislmess)  this 
constant  error  is  toward  underestimation.  On 
the  average,  these  individuals  rank  themselves 
as  less  conceited,  less  vulgar  and  less  snobbish 
than  they  really  are,  as  judged  by  the  combined 
opinion  of  their  associates.    In  the  case  of  all  the 


TABLE  3 

Showing  Constant  Tendencies  Toward  Overestimation  (+) 
AND  Underestimation  ( — )  op  Self 


Trait 

Constant  Error 

Number  Over- 
estimating 
Themselves 

Number  Under- 
estimating 
Themselves 

Refinement 

Humor 

+6.3 
+5.2 
+3.0 
+2.2 
+1.8 
+0.2 
—1.7 
—2.0 
—4.2 

40 
39 
34 
34 
25 
25 
24 
18 
17 

10 
11 

Intelligence 

Sociability 

Neatness 

Beauty 

16 
16 
25 
25 

Conceit 

26 

Snobbishness 

Vulgarity 

32 
33 

remaining  traits  (the  *^ desirable"  ones)  the  gen- 
eral tendency  is  toward  overestimation.  The 
amount  or  degree  of  this  overestimation  varies 
considerably  from  trait  to  trait.  It  is  greatest 
in  the  cases  of  refinement  and  humor,  in  which 
traits  there  are  constant  errors  of  +6.3  and  +5.2 
places.  In  the  cases  of  neatness,  intelligence, 
and  sociability  the  overestimation  is  only  about 


EXPERIMENTS,  ESTIMATES,  RESULTS     153 

half  as  large  as  in  these  two  traits,  while  in 
the  case  of  beauty  there  is  really  no  constant 
error. 

Another  way  of  expressing  these  constant  tend- 
encies is  to  give  in  each  case  the  number  of  people 
in  the  group  of  fifty  observers  who  tend  in  each 
direction.  These  figures  are  given  in  the  last  two 
columns  of  the  above  table.  It  is  clear  at  once 
that  in  the  case  of  the  first  four  traits  the  tend- 
ency is  predominantly  in  the  direction  of  over- 
estimation  ;  in  the  next  three  traits  the  two  tend- 
encies are  evenly  balanced,  while  in  the  last  two 
the  general  tendency  is  strongly  toward  under- 
estimation. 

It  is  of  course  difficult  to  say,  in  this  connection, 
just  how  accurately  the  figures  given  portray  the 
real  self-estimation  of  the  different  individuals, 
and  to  what  degree  they  indicate  merely  what  the 
individual  will  do  with  her  own  name  in  the  case 
of  such  an  experiment.  Natural  modesty  might 
easily  lead  one  to  place  her  own  name  lower  in 
the  scale  for  a  given  trait  than  she  really  believed 
herself  to  belong.  If  this  were  the  case,  we  might 
then  infer  that  the  figures  we  have  presented,  al- 
though qualitatively  suggestive,  were  not  quanti- 
tatively reliable.  They  would,  in  other  words,  ex- 
press smaller  degrees  of  overestimation  and  un- 


154  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

derestimation  than  were  really  present  in  the  con- 
sciousness of  our  observers.  Here,  as  in  all  the 
results  of  this  investigation,  the  figures  are  given 
only  as  indicating  what  individuals  actually  do 
when  asked  to  rank  themselves  among  their  as- 
sociates. Our  conclusion  on  this  point  is  that 
they  tend  to  overestimate  or  to  underestimate 
themselves,  according  to  the  ^^desirableness''  or 
*  ^  undesirableness "  of  the  trait  in  question.  In- 
dividual differences  in  these  tendencies  are  every- 
where apparent.  Thus,  in  neatness,  individuals  S 
and  H  stand  about  equally  high  (S  being  ninth 
and  H  being  thirteenth),  but  S  underestimates 
herself  by  thirteen  places,  while  H  overestimates 
herself  by  ten  places. 

In  a  third  experiment  of  this  same  kind  another 
group  of  twenty-five  college  seniors,  in  the  same 
school  and  during  the  preceding  year,  had  judged 
each  other,  including  themselves,  for  the  traits, 
efficiency,  energy,  kindliness  and  originality. 
The  data  from  this  experiment  are  not  given  here 
in  full,  since  the  method  was  precisely  that  of 
the  two  investigations  we  have  just  described,  and 
since  all  of  the  results  must  be  held  as  only  sug- 
gestive of  what  may  be  expected  to  happen  in  the 
long  run.  These  seniors  also  showed  a  general 
tendency   to   rate   themselves    somewhat   higher 


EXPERIMENTS,  ESTIMATES,  RESULTS     155 

than  they  were  rated  by  their  associates.  The 
amount  of  overestimation  varied  with  the  trait, 
all  the  traits  in  this  case  being  of  the  ^* desirable'^ 
sort.  Since  the  conditions  of  this  third  experi- 
ment were  quite  the  same  as  those  of  the  investi- 
gation just  described  in  greater  detail,  except  that 
a  different  group  of  individuals  were  concerned, 
it  is  perhaps  fair  to  treat  the  results  as  compar- 
able, and  to  include  the  measures  of  constant  er- 
ror along  with  the  preceding  records.  The  results 
from  all  the  groups  are  included  in  the  following 
table,  which  shows  the  constant  tendency  in  the 
case  of  thirteen  traits. 

TABLE  4 
Constant  Tendencies  of  Self-estimation  in  Thirteen  Teaits 


Trait 

Constant 
Error 

Trait 

Constant 
Error 

Refinement 

+6.3 

+5.2 
+4.0 
+3.8 
+3.0 
+2.2 
+2.1 

Neatness 

+  1.8 

Humor 

Originality. .   . 

+1.2 
+0.2 
— 1  7 

Kindliness 

Beauty 

Energy 

Conceit 

Intelligence 

Sociability 

Snobbishness 

Vulearitv. 

—2.0 
— 4  2 

Efficiency 

Data  from  certain  other  investigations  also  tell 
us  something  about  these  tendencies  in  judging 
ourselves  and  others.    Thus,  in  an  investigation, 


156  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

by  the  writer,^  a  number  of  persons  were  set  to 
work  at  the  continuous  performance  of  a  series  of 
mental  and  physical  tests.  After  each  trial  the 
performer  was  required  to  judge  whether  he  had 
done  better  or  worse  than  usual  on  this  occasion. 
In  each  case  another  person  was  required  to 
watch  the  performer,  and  to  judge,  in  the  capacity 
of  witness,  whether  the  performance  had  been 
better  or  worse  than  usual  for  the  individual  who 
was  doing  the  work. 

The  data  showed  that  although  an  observer  is 
no  more  *' sensitive''  to  gain  in  efficiency  than  he 
is  to  loss,  he  is  predisposed  to  judge  both  himself 
and  another  performer  whom  he  is  watching  as 
having  done  ^^  better  than  usuaP'  rather  than 
** worse  than  usual.''  The  consequence  is  that 
smaller  degrees  of  superiority  tend  to  be  judged 
as  better  with  higher  degrees  of  confidence,  and 
that  a  certain  slight  degree  of  inferiority  tends  to 
be  incorrectly  judged  as  * '  better. ' '  We  seem  pre- 
disposed to  judge  ^'better"  rather  than  *  Vorse," 
and  in  this  experiment  the  observers  were,  fur- 
thermore, predisposed  in  favor  of  the  other  per- 
son, somewhat  more  than  in  favor  of  themselves. 
They   were    disinclined   to   judge   any   trial   as 

^  Experimental  Studies  in  Judgment,  Archives  of  Psychol- 
ogy, No.  29,  1913,  119  pp. 


EXPERIMENTS,  ESTIMATES,  RESULTS     15T 

** worse  than  usual,''  and  this  disinclination  was 
stronger  when  judging  as  witness  than  when 
judging  as  performer.  This  results  in  a  combi- 
nation of  altruism  and  optimism  which,  if  found 
to  be  a  common  occurrence,  would  seem  to  have 
interesting  implications.  Further  investigation 
will  perhaps  show  that  these  attitudes  are  condi- 
tioned, under  different  circumstances,  by  a  va- 
riety of  factors,  such  as  competition,  education, 
motive,  age  or  sex  of  performer  and  witness,  and 
perhaps  by  individual  differences  of  a  tempera- 
mental sort. 

When  Cattell  had  scientific  men  arrange  their 
colleagues  and  themselves  on  the  basis  of  scientific 
merit,  he  found  no  constant  tendency  either  to 
overestimate  or  to  underestimate  oneself.  He 
remarks,  concerning  this  result:  ^^It  thus  ap- 
pears that  there  is  no  constant  error  in  judging 
ourselves — we  are  about  as  likely  to  overestimate 
as  to  underestimate  ourselves,  and  we  can  judge 
ourselves  slightly  more  accurately  than  we  are 
likely  to  be  judged  by  one  of  our  colleagues.  We 
can  only  know  ourselves  from  the  reflected  opin- 
ion of  others,  but  it  seems  that  we  are  able  to  esti- 
mate these  more  correctly  than  can  those  who 
are  less  interested.  There  are,  however,  wide  in- 
dividual differences;  several  observers  overesti- 


158  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

mate  themselves  decidedly,  while  others  underesti- 
mate themselves  to  an  eqnal  degree.  * '  ^ 

Since  these  individual  differences,  in  all  the  in- 
vestigations that  have  been  reported,  are  so  con- 
spicuous, we  may  next  inquire  whether  the  indi- 
vidual who  possesses  a  given  trait  in  high  de- 
gree is  a  better  or  worse  judge  of  that  trait  in 
himself  and  in  others,  than  is  a  person  in  whom 
the  trait  itself  is  less  marked. 

777.  75  one  who  possesses  a  given  trait  in  high 
degree  a  better  or  worse  judge  of  that  trait  than 
is  an  individual  in  whom  the  trait  is  less  conspicu- 
ous? On  the  basis  of  the  combined  judgments 
of  the  group  we  have  secured  a  final  position  for 
each  individual,  which  indicates  her  most  proba- 
ble standing  in  the  various  traits.  Since  each  in- 
dividual judged  all  the  others  of  the  group,  we 
can,  by  correlating  ^  the  judgments  of  each  indi- 
vidual with  the  combined  judgments  of  the  group, 
secure  a  coefficient  of  correlation  which  will  indi- 
cate the  *^ judicial  capacity'^  of  the  given  indi- 
vidual. This  figure  will  be  a  measure  of  the  cor- 
rectness or  representative  character  of  her  judg- 
ments of  her  friends.    If  the  figure  is  low,  it  will 

*  "American  Men  of  Science."     Second  edition,  p.  542. 
2  See  p.  45  for  explanation  of  the  meaning  and  technique 
of  correlation. 


EXPERIMENTS,  ESTIMATES,  RESULTS     159 

mean  that  her  own  judgments  do  not  agree  closely 
with  the  combined  or  true  judgments.  If  the  fig- 
ure is  high  it  will  indicate  that  there  is  close  cor- 
respondence, and  that  the  individuaPs  judgments 
of  her  friends  agree  closely  with  the  combined 
judgment.  Having  secured  these  measures  of  ju- 
dicial capacity,  and  having  also  measures  of  the 
degree  to  which  each  individual  possesses  the 
various  traits,  we  may  by  correlating  these  two 
measures  determine  whether  or  not  any  relation 
exists  between  possession  of  the  trait  and  ability 
to  judge  others  with  respect  to  that  trait.  In  the 
same  way  we  may  determine  the  relation  between 
possession  of  the  trait  and  ability  to  judge  one- 
self in  that  trait.  The  table  on  page  160  gives 
these  coefficients  of  correlation  in  the  case  of  all 
the  traits. 

In  the  cases  of  neatness,  intelligence,  humor, 
refinement  and  sociability  the  coefficients  are  all 
positive  and  fairly  high.  Thus  in  the  case  of  hu- 
mor the  coefficients  of  .59  and  .87  indicate  that 
that  individual  whom  others  consider  humorous 
tends  to  be  the  most  correct  or  representative  of 
the  group  in  her  judgments  of  the  humor  of  her- 
self and  of  others.  The  coefficients  of  .49  and  .59 
in  the  case  of  intelligence  indicate  that  that  indi- 
vidual who  impresses  others  as  being  intelligent 


160 


VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 


TABLE  5 

Showing  the  Relation  Between  Possession  of  a  Trait  and 

Ability  to  Judge  Self  and  Others  in  that  Trait 

(All  coefficients  are  positive  unless  otherwise  indicated) 


Trait 


Neatness 

Intelligence.  . 

Humor 

Beauty 

Refinement.  . 
Sociability .  . . 


Judg- 

Judg- 

ment of 

ment  of 

Others 

Self 

.22 

.45 

.49 

.59 

.59 

.87 

.23 

.15 

.38 

.83 

.48 

.47 

Trait 


Vulgarity. . . . 
Snobbishness. 
Ck)nceit 


Judg- 
ment of 
Others 


.24 
.33 
.19 


Judg- 
ment of 
Self 


—  .37 

—  .27 

—  .22 


is  a  good  judge  of  intelligence  both  in  herself  and 
in  others.  The  same  is  to  be  said  of  neatness, 
refinement  and  sociability.  In  the  case  of  beauty 
the  coefficients,  although  positive,  are  very  low 
and  hence  not  very  reliable.  They  seem  to  indi- 
cate that  in  this  case  there  is  no  relation  of  any 
sort  between  the  possession  of  the  trait  and  the 
ability  to  judge  it. 

In  the  cases  of  the  definitely  *^ undesirable" 
traits,  vulgarity,  snobbishness  and  conceit,  the  co- 
efficients tend  to  be  negative,  and  although  none 
of  them  is  very  high,  they  suggest  that  the  pos- 
session of  these  traits  to  a  given  degree  tends  to 
disqualify  the  individual  to  that  degree  as  a  judge 
of  those  traits,  whether  in  herself  or  in  others. 
These  results  also  confirm  the  results  in  the  case 


EXPERIMENTS,  ESTIMATES,  RESULTS     161 

of  certain  of  the  ** desirable"  traits,  since  vul- 
garity and  snobbisliness,  with  low  or  negative  co- 
efficients, are,  grammatically  at  least,  the  opposites 
of  refinement  and  sociability,  which  have  high  and 
positive  coefficients. 

In  general,  then,  our  results  suggest  that,  in  the 
case  of  *  desirable"  traits,  ability  to  judge  a  qual- 
ity accompanies  possession  of  that  quality, 
whereas  in  the  case  of  the  *^ undesirable''  traits 
the  reverse  of  this  is  the  case. 

IV,  What  relation  exists  between  these  esti- 
mated traits  and  the  more  objective  measure- 
ments of  the  individuals  concerned?  On  the  basis 
of  the  mental  tests  we  have  secured  measures 
which  may  be  compared  with  these  estimated 
traits.  The  same  comparison  may  be  made  in 
the  case  of  the  academic  records  received  by 
the  individuals  in  their  college  courses.  The  fol- 
lowing table  shows  the  correlation  of  all  the 
estimated  traits  with  these  two  objective  measure- 
ments. 

In  the  case  of  the  mental  tests  all  the  coefficients 
are  positive  and  fairly  high  in  most  cases.  The 
correlation  is  highest  of  all  with  estimated  intel- 
ligence, whatever  that  may  mean.  As  we  have 
used  the  term  it  perhaps  means  the  impression 
of  general  capacity  which  an  individual  makes  on 


16^ 


VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 


TABLE  6 

Showing  the  Relation  between  Estimated  Traits  and  (a)  the 

Results  of  Mental  Tests;  (b)  the  Academic  Records  of 

Each  Individual  In  College  Subjects 

(All  coefficients  are  positive  unless  otherwise  indicated) 


Trait 

Correlation 

with  Mental 

Tests 

Correlation 

with  Academic 

Record 

Average 

Intelligence 

Humor 

.62 
.55 
.34 
.53 
.36 
.54 
.40 
.25 
.29 

.52 
.15 
.34 
.13 
.24 
.03 
.06 

—  .07 

—  .31 

.57 
.35 

Refinement 

Snobbishness 

Neatness .      ... 

.34 
.33 
.30 

Conceit 

.28 

Beauty 

.23 

Sociability 

Vulgarity 

.09 
—  .01 

her  associates.  It  is  interesting  to  find  that  the 
mental  tests,  which  can  be  administered  in  a  few 
minntes,  give  us  so  close  a  measure  of  what  this 
impression  will  be ;  a  measure,  it  should  be  noted, 
which  is  higher  than  that  afforded  by  the  aca- 
demic records,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  these  aca- 
demic records  had  been  from  term  to  term  an- 
nounced in  a  public  way  and  might  have  been  ex- 
pected to  contribute  toward  the  general  impres- 
sion on  the  basis  of  which  the  judgments  of  in- 
telligence were  passed.  The  high  correlation  be- 
tween tests  and  estimates  suggests  that  the  abili- 
ties   displayed   in   these   tests   correspond   very 


EXPERIMENTS,  ESTIMATES,  RESULTS     16$ 

closely  to  those  characteristics  on  which  our  as- 
sociates base  their  estimates  of  our  intelligence. 
This  is  an  encouraging  result  for  those  interested 
in  the  vocational  use  of  mental  tests. 

But  it  is  equally  interesting  that  the  results  of 
the  mental  test  correlate  to  so  high  a  degree  with 
the  estimates  of  various  other  traits,  notably  hu- 
mor, snobbishness,  conceit,  beauty,  neatness  and 
refinement.  This  result  suggests  either  or  both 
of  two  interpretations.  It  may  be,  on  the  one 
hand,  that  these  characteristics  are  only  partial 
components  of  that  more  general  trait,  intelli- 
gence (with  which  the  correlation  of  the  tests  is 
still  higher),  at  least  so  far  as  the  estimates  of 
our  associates  are  concerned.  This  would  mean 
that  a  sense  of  humor,  a  tendency  toward  self- 
esteem,  physical  attractiveness  and  a  gentle  man- 
ner dispose  one's  associates  to  think  favorably 
of  her  general  mental  endowment.  On  the  other 
hand  the  result  may  mean  that  an  individual  who 
has  sufficient  distinction  to  stand  out  prominently 
in  any  of  the  estimated  traits  here  considered  is 
possessed  of  a  nervous  system  w^hich  enables  her 
to  accomplish  the  work  of  these  mental  tests  with 
corresponding  efficiency.  Such  a  characteristic  as 
*' general  stand-out-ishness''  may  perhaps  be  a 
trait  w^hich  calls  for  recognition,  not  only  in  daily 


164.  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

life  but  also  in  the  narrower  categories  of  psycho- 
logical classification. 

In  the  case  of  the  academic  records  this  general 
tendency  toward  positive  correlation  is  not  pres- 
ent. The  only  high  correlation  is  with  estimated 
intelligence.  It  is  impossible  to  say  how  far 
this  high  coefficient  is  due  to  general  knowledge 
of  academic  attainments  on  the  part  of  the  indi- 
viduals composing  the  groups.  Eefinement  and 
neatness  are  the  only  other  traits  which  show  any 
claim  at  all  for  correlation  with  academic  records. 
The  positive  direction  of  these  coefficients  may 
afford  some  consolation  to  those  who  put  their 
faith  in  the  vocational  significance  of  academic 
records  of  college  students,  but  their  low  values 
constitute  a  somewhat  less  encouraging  commen- 
tary. 

F.  How  do  the  various  yneasures  of  intelligence 
compare  with  one  another,  and  what  is  the  relia- 
bility of  these  various  measures?  Frequent  stud- 
ies have  been  made  of  the  relation  between 
teachers'  estimates  of  the  general  intelligence  of 
pupils  and  their  intelligence  as  shown  by  their 
performance  in  psychological  tests.  The  teach- 
er's estimate  is  perhaps  very  likely  to  be  based 
on  that  sort  of  intelligence  which  shows  itself 
in  academic  performance    only,   since  in  many 


EXPERIMENTS,  ESTIMATES,  RESULTS     165 

cases  the  acquaintance  is  limited  to  contact  in 
class  room  and  laboratory.  In  our  own  case  we 
have  teachers*  estimates  only  in  the  form  of  the 
actual  class  records.  These  are,  then,  not  esti- 
mates of  general  intelligence  in  the  strict  sense, 
but  are  conditioned  presumably  for  the  most  part 
by  the  student's  performance  in  the  class 
room. 

The  academic  marks  were  reported  according  to 
a  letter  system,  in  which  A  means  *^very  good,*' 
B  means  **good,''  C  means  ^^fair,''  D  means 
**poor"  and  F  means  '^failed/'  Having  secured 
these  marks  for  all  the  students  in  English,  Ger- 
man, Logic,  Psychology,  Economics  and  History, 
we  averaged  the  marks  for  each  student,  by  giv- 
ing A,  B,  C,  D  and  F  values  of  90,  80,  70,  60  and 
50.  This  gave  us  final  averages  for  all  the  stu- 
dents, on  the  basis  of  which  averages  they  were 
arranged  in  order  of  merit,  the  two  groups  being 
separately  treated. 

We  have  now  the  three  following  measures  of 
intelligence : 

a.  The  results  of  the  psychological  tests. 

b.  The  opinion  of  fellow  students. 

c.  The  academic  records. 

The  correlations  between  these  various  measures 
are  given  in  the  following  tabulation : 


166  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

TABLE  7 

Showing  the  Correlations  between  Various  Measures  op 
Intelligence 


25 

Seniors 


Correlation  of  psychological  tests  with  esti- 
mated Intelligence 

Correlation  of  psychological  tests  with 
Academic  Records 

Correlation  of  Academic  Records  with  esti- 
mated InteUigence 


.53 
.57 

.37 


The  most  striking  result  here  is  the  rather  low 
correlation  of  the  academic  records  with  the  other 
measures  of  intelligence.  The  psychological  tests 
agree  closely  with  the  results  of  the  estimates  by 
associates.  The  correlation  of  the  tests  with  the 
records  is  considerably  lower,  while  the  correla- 
tion of  records  with  estimates  is  exceedingly  low. 
The  full  significance  of  these  results  will  of  course 
depend  on  the  attitude  one  takes  toward  the  vari- 
ous measures.  One  who  has  faith  in  the  value 
of  academic  records  must  of  course  reject  the  esti- 
mates of  associates  and  be  very  sceptical  of  the 
value  of  the  mental  tests.  But  vocationally  the 
estimates  of  associates  must  always  have  value, 
since  these  determine  or  indicate  the  reactions  of 
others  toward  a  given  individual,  and  vocational 
success  will  depend  to  a  considerable  degree  on 


EXPERIMENTS,  ESTIMATES,  RESULTS     167 

these  reactions.  The  ultimate  value  of  the  mental 
tests  is  still  to  be  determined ;  in  fact,  it  was  partly 
in  order  to  aid  in  their  evaluation  that  these  ex- 
periments were  performed.  Inasmuch  as  the 
tests  and  the  estimates  agree  closely,  the  tests 
and  the  records  less  closely,  while  the  records 
do  not  correlate  to  any  marked  degree  with  either 
of  the  two  other  measures,  the  significance  of  the 
academic  marks,  or  their  reliability  in  this  in- 
stance, must  be  seriously  called  into  question. 

VI.  Does  the  ability  to  judge  the  traits  of  oth- 
ers (judicial  capacity/)  stand  in  any  relation  to 
proficiency  in  mental  tests  or  to  success  in  college 
worM  The  following  table  shows  the  correla- 
tion of  judicial  capacity  in  the  case  of  each  trait 


TABLE  8 

Showing  the  Relation  between  Judicial  Capacity  and 
(a)  Ability  in  Mental  Tests;  (b)  Academic  Records 


Trait 

Correlation  of  Judicial 

Capacity  and  Ability 

in  Mental  Tests 

Correlation  of  Judicial 

Capacity  and  Academic 

Records 

Neatness 

.05 
.55 
.48 
.20 
.15 
.18 
.20 
.15 
.26 

09 

Intelligence 

Humor 

.26 
—  02 

Conceit 

09 

Beauty 

.14 

Vulgarity 

Snobbishness 

Refinement 

Sociability 

.14 

—  .02 

.25 

.03 

168  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

with  standing  in  the  tests  and  with  academic 
records. 

In  the  case  of  academic  records  there  is  seen 
to  be  absolutely  no  correlation  with  judicial  ca- 
pacity, in  any  of  the  traits  estimated.  In  the  case 
of  the  mental  tests,  only  two  of  the  traits  yield 
high  coeflScients.  In  intelligence  and  in  humor 
there  is  fairly  high  correlation  (.55  and  .48).  The 
suggestion  here  is  that  those  who  do  well  in  the 
mental  tests  are  good  judges  of  the  intelligence 
and  the  humor  of  their  friends,  but  that  in  the 
case  of  the  other  traits  there  is  no  necessary  or 
probable  relation. 

Question  VII,  Is  the  individual  who  is  a  good 
judge  of  others  also  one  whose  self-estimates  have 
high  reliability  f  If  the  individuals  are  placed  in 
an  order  of  merit  with  respect  to  their  judicial 
capacity  in  estimating  the  characteristics  of  their 
friends,  and  placed  also  in  another  order  of  merit 
on  the  basis  of  the  accuracy  of  their  self-esti- 
mates, what  relation  will  be  found  between  the 
two  arrangements!  The  following  table  gives 
the  coefficients  of  correlation  when  such  arrange- 
ments are  compared  in  the  case  of  each  of  the 
traits. 

All  the  coefficients  are  positive,  their  median 
value  being  .44.    In  the  long  run  it  is  true  that  she 


EXPERIMENTS,  ESTIMATES,  RESULTS     169 

TABLE  9 

Showing  the  Relation  between  Ability  to  Judge  Others 
AND  Ability  to  Judge  Oneself 


Trait 

Correlation  between  Judicial 

Capacity  and  Accuracy  of  the 

Individual's  Self -Estimates 

Refinement 

.54 

Humor 

.63 

Beauty 

.47 

Sociability 

.46 

Intelligence 

.44 

Conceit 

.26 

Neatness 

.22 

Vulgarity 

.22 

Snobbishness 

.15 

who  knows  herself  best  is  the  best  judge  of  oth- 
ers. The  degree  to  which  this  is  true,  however, 
varies  with  the  trait  in  question.  With  the  *^  un- 
desirable" traits  of  snobbishness,  conceit  and  vul- 
garity, the  coefficients  are  so  low  as  to  be  quite 
unreliable  and  perhaps  represent  only  chance. 
The  same  is  true  of  neatness.  But  in  the  cases 
of  refinement,  humor,  beauty,  sociability  and  in- 
telligence the  coefficients  are  fairly  high. 

VIII,  What  correlations  are  found  among  vari- 
OKrS  traits  of  character,  as  these  are  estimated  by 
associates?  For  example,  is  an  individual  who 
is  judged  intelligent  also  likely  to  be  judged  to  be 
humorous,  or  refined,  or  snobbish,  etc.?  If  there 
are  such  correlations  between  estimated  traits, 


170 


VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 


wliat  is  their  direction  and  amount?  The  follow- 
ing table  shows  the  average  correlations  (from 
the  two  groups)  in  the  case  of  all  the  traits: 

TABLE  10 

Showing  the  Inter-correlation  op  Estimated  Traits* 


3 

a 
I— ( 

1 

i 

> 

4 

1 

Neatness.... 

.39 

.29 

.51 

.50 

.09 

.57 

.32 

.10 

Intelligence . 

.39 

.59 

.44 

.34 

.06 

.43 

.49 

.25 

Humor 

.29 

.59 

.32 

.50 

.40 

.50 

.23 

.55 

Conceit 

.51 

.44 

.32 

.51 

.24 

.75 

.33 

.07 

Beauty 

.50 

.34 

.50 

.51 

-.09 

.41 

.56 

.32 

Vulgarity. . . 

.09 

.06 

.40 

.24 

-.09 

.40 

-.37 

.18 

Snobbishness 

.57 

.43 

.50 

.75 

.41 

.40 

.20 

-.12 

Refinement.. 

.32 

.49 

.23 

.33 

.56 

-.37 

.20 

.34 

Sociability.  . 

.10 

.25 

.55 

.07 

.32 

.18 

-.12 

.34 

1  The  upper  parts  of  this  table  and  the  one  following  repeat^  the 
figures  given  in  the  lower  parts,  for  greater  convenience  in  making 
comparisons  and  in  presenting  averages. 

Interesting  as  these  coefficients  are  to  one  who 
has  the  passion  for  correlation,  it  is  peculiarly 
difficult  to  state  precisely  what  they  mean.  Neat- 
ness correlates,  in  varying  degrees,  with  all  the 
traits  except  vulgarity  and  sociability;  intelli- 
gence with  all  except  vulgarity  and  perhaps  so- 
ciability; humor  with  all  except  neatness,  conceit 
and  refinement,  where  the  coefficients  are  low; 
conceit  correlates  especially  closely  with  neatness, 
beauty  and  snobbishness;  beauty  with  neatness, 


EXPERIMENTS,  ESTIMATES,  RESULTS     171 

humor,  conceit  and  refinement;  vulgarity  corre- 
lates positively  with  only  humor  and  snobbish- 
ness, and  negatively  with  refinement;  refinement, 
with  everything  except  humor,  snobbishness  and 
vulgarity;  snobbishness  with  all  but  refinement 
and  sociability;  while  sociability  correlates  with 
nothing  except  humor.  How  far  these  figures 
measure  definite  relations  between  different  and 
specific  traits,  how  far  they  measure  the  de- 
gree to  which  one's  impressions  of  various  traits 
conspire  to  make  up  one's  notion  of  other  char- 
acteristics, or  how  far  they  measure  only  the 
degree  of  confusion  that  exists  as  to  the  precise 
meaning  of  the  various  words,  it  is  exceedingly 
difficult  to  say. 

IX,  What  degree  of  correlation  exists  among 
the  academic  records  in  the  various  college  sub- 
jects? Is  the  individual  who  stands  high  in  cer- 
tain subjects  likely  to  stand  either  high  or  low  in 
other  subjects  or  in  all  subjects?  The  following 
table  shows  the  inter-correlations  between  eight 
subjects  as  calculated  by  the  rather  rough  mode 
of  grading  and  averaging  previously  described. 
Since  the  correlations  are  by  the  method  of  rela- 
tive position,  the  fallacy  of  treating  the  various 
grades  as  susceptible  of  quantitative  treatment 
is  of  very  slight  importance. 


172  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

TABLE  11 

Showing   the   Inter-correlations   among  Grades   in  Eight 

College  Subjects,  on  the  Basis  op  the  Records 

OP  THE  50  Students 


4 

1 

i 

1 

1 

1 

i 

^ 

Psychology. . 

Logic 

History 

Economics. . 

Enghsh 

German 

Chemistry. . 
Mathematics 

[eo 

.36 
.52 
.48 
.49 
.33 
.54 

.60 

.'54 
.57 
.47 
.41 
.25 
.57 

.36 

.48 

.*44 
.62 
.46 
.52 
.61 

.52 
.57 
.44 

!5i 
.43 
.45 

.71 

.48 
.47 
.62 
.51 

[25 
.26 
.46 

.49 
.41 
.46 
.43 
.25 

.*39 
.38 

.33 
.25 
.52 
.45 
.26 
.39 

:57 

.54 
.57 

.61 
.71 
.46 
.38 
.57 

.47 
.48 
.51 
.52 
.44 
.40 
.40 
.55 

The  correlations  between  the  various  college 
subjects  are  all  positive,  and  argue  against  the 
commonly  expressed  belief  in  rather  close  special- 
ization of  abilities ;  the  student  who  does  well  in 
one  of  these  subjects  tends  to  do  well  in  all  of 
them. 

As  has  been  frequently  stated  in  this  discus- 
sion, the  data  and  conclusions  here  presented  are 
by  no  means  to  be  taken  as  final  answers  even  to 
the  specific  questions  asked.  One  cannot  argue 
from  what  these  groups  of  students  do  under  the 
special  conditions  of  this  investigation  to  what 
they  or  others  will  do  in  other  circumstances  or 
in  general.  The  results  are  presented  mainly  by 
way  of  suggesting  the  type  of  investigation  which 


EXPERIMENTS,  ESTIMATES,  RESULTS     173 

must  be  carried  much  further  before  we  are  in 
portion  to  evaluate  properly  the  self -analysis 
of  an  individual  or  the  judgments  of  associates  as 
presented  in  testimonials,  interviews,  or  other 
indications  based  on  general  acquaintance.  In  the 
case  of  the  psychological  tests,  a  long  program 
of  selection,  standardization,  and  accumulation 
of  norms  is  laid  out  for  those  interested  in  the 
further  advance  of  vocational  psychology.  So 
also  from  the  point  of  view  of  introspective  analy- 
sis, consultation,  advice  of  friends,  the  methods 
of  interview,  testimonial,  etc,  there  is  an  equally 
inviting  though  arduous  program  which  must  be 
carried  through  before  even  the  most  general 
principles  of  evaluation  and  selection  are  known. 
It  should  also  be  insisted  that  the  personal  ex- 
perience of  this  or  that  interviewer,  adviser, 
teacher  or  expert  is  by  no  means  a  sufficient  basis 
for  general  practice.  Magic,  clairvoyance,  phre- 
nology, physiognomies,  were  all  founded  on  the 
treacherous  basis  of  *^ personal  observation'*  and 
occasional  striking  coincidence.  Vocational  psy- 
chology will  be  safe  from  prophets  and  charla- 
tans only  when  it  is  made  to  rest  on  a  stable 
structure  of  consistent  and  verifiable  experi- 
mental data. 


CHAPTER  Vni 

THE  SCHOOL  CUEEICULTJM  AS  A  VOCATIONAL  TEST 

With  certain  qualifications  the  work  of  the 
school  curriculum  may  be  said  to  constitute  an 
elaborate  mental  test.  One  important  function 
of  the  curriculum  is  that  of  selecting  and  identi- 
fying individuals  who  possess  a  certain  type  of 
mental  alertness  or  patience.  Another  function  is 
that  of  supplying  the  individual  with  certain  im- 
plements, facts  and  ideas,  certain  subject  matter, 
which  may  or  may  not  be  of  direct  value  in  his 
later  life  but  which  is  at  least  in  this  way  per- 
petuated and  preserved.  A  third  function  is  that 
of  affording  opportunity  for  the  exercise  of  such 
specific  or  general  abilities  as  the  curriculum  may 
call  into  play. 

All  three  of  these  functions  have  more  or  less 
direct  vocational  relevance.  In  the  hands  of  in- 
dustrial and  technical  interests,  subject  matter 
becomes  more  and  more  prominent  as  the  impor- 
tant item.  As  this  happens  the  older  idea  of 
discipline  and  exercise  becomes  subordinate  or 

implicit.    But,  whatever  be  the  underlying  educa- 

174 


CURRICULUM  A  VOCATIONAL  TEST     175 

tional  philosophy,  the  selective  value  of  the  cur- 
riculum is  an  inescapable  fact.  The  public  school 
system,  by  its  processes  of  grading,  promotion 
and  certification,  tends  always  to  mark  off  as  a 
distinct  group  those  individuals  who  can  and  will 
meet  its  demands.  It  also  attempts  to  differen- 
tiate the  members  of  this  group  from  one  another 
on  the  basis  of  their  ability  or  their  inclination. 
The  high  schools,  colleges,  professional  and  tech- 
nical courses  continue  this  process  of  elimination, 
identification  and  selection.  According  to  the  stu- 
dent's ability  and  inclination  to  satisfy  the  re- 
quirements of  the  curriculum,  he  or  she  is 
dropped,  graded,  retarded,  promoted  or  passed 
with  honors. 

Extending,  as  it  commonly  does,  over  many 
years  of  the  individual's  life,  conducted  by  a  con- 
siderable number  and  variety  of  examiners,  and 
presented  in  a  diversity  of  forms  and  methods, 
school  work  constitutes  a  type  of  mental  test 
which  is  unequaled  in  its  completeness.  It  is 
highly  important  for  vocational  psychology  to 
ascertain  the  degree  of  correlation  between  the 
individual's  record  in  the  curriculum  test  and  his 
success  or  fitness  in  later  life.  To  what  degree 
is  the  individual's  academic  record  prognostic  of 
his  industrial,  domestic  and  professional  future! 


176  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

As  definite  as  this  question  is  and  as  easy  of 
solution  as  it  may  seem,  it  is  only  very  recently 
that  reliable  data,  as  distinguished  from  unsup- 
ported opinions,  have  begun  to  be  accumulated. 
The  j)roblem  is  complicated  by  the  difficulty  of 
securing  satisfactory  measures  of  success  in  later 
life,  and  by  the  difficulties  encountered  in  follow- 
ing up  the  careers  of  those  individuals  whose 
early  records  are  known.  Shall  success  be  meas- 
ured by  the  obstacles  overcome,  the  income 
earned,  the  sacrifices  made,  the  social  usefulness 
accomplished,  the  amount  of  local  and  contem- 
porary publicity  received,  the  public  recognition 
accorded,  the  scope  of  activities  attempted,  or 
the  historical  eminence  merited!  And  if  more 
than  one  of  these  elements  are  to  be  considered, 
how  are  they  to  be  treated  commensurately  ?  Cer- 
tainly success  may  be  achieved  in  any  or  several 
or  all  of  these  and  other  forms.  For  the  present 
our  information  is  limited  to  a  few  studies  in 
which  one  or  other  of  these  aspects  has  been 
treated  separately.  As  work  in  this  field  pro- 
gresses we  may  be  better  able  to  sum  up  all  the 
partial  results  into  a  statement  of  the  general 
tendencies. 

For  our  present  purpose  it  may  be  best  to  bring 
together  from  various  sources  the  data  bearing 


CURRICULUM  A  VOCATIONAL  TEST     177 

on  certain  specific  questions  which  have  been  pro- 
pounded. At  least  three  of  these  questions  are 
distinctly  relevant  to  the  work  of  vocational  psy- 
chology. 

7.  With  respect  to  school  ivorJc  itself,  what  rela- 
tion exists  between  the  early  success  in  elemen- 
tary subjects  and  the  later  success  in  handling 
more  advanced  subject  matter?  This  question  is 
important  to  all  those  who  may  be  concerned  in 
advising  individuals  concerning  the  desirability 
and  probable  profit  of  continuing  their  school  ex- 
perience, and  of  entering  occupations  in  which 
scholastic  abilities  may  be  requisite. 

Kelley  has  recently  reported  a  careful  study 
of  the  relation  between  the  marks  in  the  fourth, 
fifth,  sixth  and  seventh  grades  and  the  marks  re- 
ceived in  the  first  year  of  high  school  work.  The 
results,  in  the  case  of  fifty-nine  pupils  followed, 
through  the  six  years,  were  as  follows: 

Correlation  between  Marks  in  the  Grades 
AND  Marks  in  First  High  School  Year 

7th  grade 72 

6th  grade 73 

5th  grade 53 

4th  grade 62 

His  study  further  seeks  to  show  the  relative 
weight  to  be  attributed  to  the  work  of  each  grade, 
by  applying  a  formula  known  in  statistics  as  a 


178  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

'* regression  equation/'  He  says,  '*The  net  con- 
clusion whicli  may  be  drawn  from  these  coeffi- 
cients of  correlation  is  tliat  it  is  possible  to  esti- 
mate a  person's  general  ability  in  the  first  year 
[H.  S.]  class  from  the  marks  he  has  received  in 
the  last  four  years  of  elementary  school  with  ac- 
curacy represented  by  a  coefficient  of  correlation 
of  .789,  and  that  individual  idiosyncrasies  may  be 
estimated,  in  the  case  of  mathematics  and  Eng- 
lish, with  an  accuracy  represented  by  a  coefficient 
of  correlation  of  .515.  .  .  .  Indeed,  it  seems  that 
an  estimate  of  a  pupil's  ability  to  carry  high 
school  work  when  the  pupil  is  in  the  fourth  grade 
may  be  nearly  as  accurate  as  a  judgment  given 
when  the  pupil  is  in  the  seventh  grade." 

Miles  finds  that  the  correlation  between  the  av- 
erage elementary  school  grade  and  the  high  school 
grade  is  .71.  Dearborn  also  finds  that  high  school 
efficiency  is  closely  correlated  with  success  in  uni- 
versity work.  He  studied  various  groups  of  high 
school  students,  the  groups  containing  from  nine- 
ty-two to  four  hundred  and  seventy-two  students 
each.  These  were  grouped  into  quartiles  on  the 
basis  of  high  school  standing,  and  compared  with 
similar  classifications  on  the  basis  of  university 
work.  Dearborn  summarizes  his  results  in  the 
following  words : 


CURRICULUM  A  VOCATIONAL  TEST     179 

**We  may  say  then,  on  the  basis  of  the  results 
secured  in  this  group  (472  pupils)  which  is  suffi- 
ciently large  to  be  representative,  that  if  a  pupil 
has  stood  in  the  first  quarter  of  a  large  class 
through  high  school  the  chances  are  four  out  of 
five  that  he  will  not  fall  below  the  first  half  of 
his  class  in  the  university.  .  .  .  The  chances  are 
but  about  one  in  five  that  the  student  who  has 
done  poorly  in  high  school — who  has  been  in  the 
lowest  quarter  of  his  class — will  rise  above  the 
median  or  average  of  the  freshman  class  at  the 
university,  and  the  chances  that  he  will  prove  a 
superior  student  at  the  university  are  very  slim 
indeed.  .  .  .  The  Pearson  coefficient  of  correla- 
tion of  the  standings  in  the  high  schools  and  in 
the  freshman  year,  for  this  group  of  472  pupils, 
is  .80.  ...  A  little  over  80  per  cent  of  those  who 
were  found  in  the  lowest  or  the  highest  quarter 
of  the  group  in  high  school  are  found  in  their  re- 
spective halves  of  the  group  throughout  the  uni- 
versity. .  .  .  Three-fourths  of  the  students  who 
enter  the  university  from  these  high  schools  will 
maintain  throughout  the  university  approxi- 
mately the  same  rank  which  they  held  in  high 
school.*' 

Loweirs  investigation,  which  is  discussed  in 
later  paragraphs,  also  bears  directly  on  the  ques- 


180 


VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 


tion  of  the  relation  between  college  entrance  rec- 
ords, college  grades,  and  later  work  in  profes- 
sional schools.  A  rather  different  method  of  pro- 
cedure was  adopted  by  Van  Denburg,  who  studied 
the  relation  between  the  first-term  marks  of  high 
school  pupils  in  New  York  City  and  the  length 
of  time  the  pupils  continued  in  school  work.  The 
following  table  gives  a  general  idea  of  his  re- 
sults : 


TABLE  12 

Showing  the  Relation  between  First-term  Marks  in  High 

School  and  the  Length  of  Time  Pupils  Remain 

IN  School  (Van  Denburg) 


Percentage  Leaving  School  in  Various  Years  After 

First-Term 

Entrance  into  the  High  School 

Mark 

Left 

Left  in  2nd,  3rd,  or  i 

During  First 

4th  Years,  or  Failed 

Graduated 

Year 

to  Graduate  in  4th 

Below  50%.. 

61 

39 

0 

60  to  59%... 

49 

46 

5 

60  to  69%... 

39 

58 

3 

70  to  79%... 

20 

62 

18 

80  to  89%... 

17 

46 

37 

90  to  100%.. 

6 

40 

54 

Thorndike,  in  referring  to  the  significance  of 
snch  results,  says :  ^  ^  Ten  times  as  many  of  those 
marked  below  50  leave  in  the  first  year  as  of  those 
marked  90  or  above.    Of  115  pupils  marked  below 


CURRICULUM  A  VOCATIONAL  TEST     181 

50  not  one  remained  to  graduate  in  four  years. 
As  the  marks  rise  the  percentage  leaving  in  the 
early  years  steadily  falls  and  the  percentage 
graduating  rises.  Such  prophecies  .  .  .  could 
easily  be  worked  out  for  any  community.  They 
show  that  in  the  important  matter  of  the  length 
of  stay  in  school  a  pupiPs  career  is  far  from  be-~ 
ing  a  matter  of  unpredictable  fortuity.  ...  It 
will  not  be  long  before  [we]  will  remember  with 
amusement  the  time  when  education  waited  for 
the  expensive  tests  of  actual  trial  to  tell  how  well 
a  boy  or  girl  would  succeed  with  a  given  trade, 
with  the  work  of  college  and  professional  school, 
or  with  the  general  task  of  leading  a  decent,  law- 
abiding,  humane  life.''    . 

Prompted  by  Dearborn's  study  of  the  relation 
between  work  in  high  school  and  work  in  the  uni- 
versity, Smith  made  a  somewhat  more  intensive 
study  of  a  group  of  students  in  the  University 
of  Iowa.  Dearborn  had  investigated  the  academic 
careers  of  pupils  from  eight  large  and  four  small 
high  schools  in  Wisconsin,  and  concluded  that 
three-fourths  of  the  students  entering  the  univer- 
sity from  these  high  schools  would  maintain 
throughout  the  university  approximately  the  same 
rank  as  they  had  held  in  high  school.  When  the 
groups  were  divided  into  upper  and  lower  halves, 


182  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

about  seventy  per  cent  of  those  in  the  upper  high 
school  section  were  found  in  the  upper  half  of  the 
university  section;  about  the  same  number  of 
those  in  the  lower  high  school  half  were  found  in 
the  lower  university  half. 

Smith's  data  showed  almost  precisely  the  same 
figures  as  those  of  Dearborn.  From  the  Liberal 
Arts  class  of  1910  (one  hundred  and  sixty  stu- 
dents) those  were  chosen  whose  records  were  com- 
plete in  both  high  school  and  university.  This 
gave  a  total  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  students. 
On  the  basis  of  their  standing,  as  based  on  the 
grades  assigned  in  all  subjects  studied,  they  were 
ranked  in  order  for  each  year  of  high  school  and 
xmiversity.  They  were  then  separated  into  quin- 
tiles  on  the  basis  of  these  rankings,  and  their 
standing  in  these  various  quintiles  observed  from 
year  to  year. 

When  the  students,  on  the  basis  of  their  gen- 
eral high  school  average  (for  the  four  years),  are 
distributed  through  their  respective  quintiles  in 
the  university  (general  average  again)  the  results 
are  as  shown  in  the  table  on  page  183. 

In  considering  this  table  it  is  apparent  that  if 
the  high  school  students  were  distributed  through 
the  various  university  quintiles  on  a  purely  chance 
basis,  and  without  any  reference  to  their  high 


CURRICULUM  A  VOCATIONAL  TEST     183 

TABLE  13 

Showing  the  Relations  between  High  School  Records  and 
University  Records  (Smith).    See  Text  for  Explanation 


University  Average 

H.  S.  Average 

1st 
Quint. 

2nd 
Quint. 

3rd 

Quint. 

4th 
Quint. 

5th 
Quint. 

1st  Quintile 

2nd  Quintile 

3rd  Quintile 

4th  Quintile 

5th  Quintile 

54% 

25% 

17% 

0% 

4% 

17% 
29% 
25% 
25% 
4% 

17% 
17% 
20% 
25% 
21% 

4% 
13% 
21% 
33% 
29% 

lel 

17% 
17% 
42% 

school  records,  there  would  tend  to  be  twenty  per 
cent  of  each  high  school  quintile  in  each  of  the 
university  quintiles.  Any  percentage  higher  than 
this  twenty  per  cent  thus  indicates  some  signifi- 
cant relation  between  the  two  sets  of  grades.  On 
the  whole  there  is  a  close  relation  indicated.  The 
tendency  is  clear  for  those  in  a  given  high  school 
quintile  to  be  found  in  or  near  the  same  quintile  in 
their  university  work.  The  relation  is  particu- 
larly close  in  the  highest  and  lowest  quintiles.  In 
the  intermediate  quintiles  there  is  more  or  less 
shifting  about. 

La  the  same  way  it  is  possible  to  classify  all  stu- 
dents in  quintiles  during  their  first  high  school 
year,  and  then  to  trace  their  careers  through  the 
following  three  years  of  high  school  and  four 


184 


VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 


years  of  college.  The  following  tabulation  shows 
the  results  when  this  was  done.  The  figures  show 
the  percentage  of  each  quintile  in  first  year  high 
school  who  were  found  in  the  same  quintile  in  the 
various  later  years. 


TABLE  14 

Showing  the  Relation  between  Records  in  the  First  High 

School  Year,  and  Records  in  Subsequent  Years  in 

High  School  and  College  (Smith) 


Quintiles 

High  School 

University 

1 

2 

3 

4 

1 

2 

3 

4 

First 

100% 
100% 
100% 
100% 
100% 

70% 
54% 
41% 
29% 
50% 

67% 
33% 

37% 
25% 
59% 

67% 
29% 
21% 
21% 
50% 

52% 
35% 

35% 
48% 
45% 

36% 
33% 
20% 

28% 
32% 

43% 
22% 
22% 
17% 
39% 

25% 

Second 

Third     

8% 
21% 

Fourth 

Fifth 

25% 
38% 

Averages 

100% 

49% 

44% 

38% 

43% 

30% 

29% 

23% 

Here  again,  if  the  subsequent  distributions  were 
on  a  chance  basis  with  respect  to  the  first  year 
high  school  grades,  there  would  tend  to  be  but 
twenty  per  cent  in  each  of  the  various  quintiles. 
As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  percentages  never  fall  so 
low  as  twenty  per  cent,  although  in  the  senior 
college  year  they  approach  very  close  to  this 
figure. 

It  is  to  be  noted  that  changes  so  small  as  from 


CURRICULUM  A  VOCATIONAL  TEST     185 

one  quintile  to  the  immediately  adjacent  one  are 
not  taken  into  account  in  this  table.  The  figures 
show  only  those  who  were  in  precisely  the  same 
quintile  all  the  way  through.  The  indication  is 
then  that  a  student's  performance  in  the  first  high 
school  year  is  very  significant  of  what  his  per- 
formance will  be  through  the  rest  of  the  high 
school  course,  and  also  of  significance  with  respect 
to  what  he  will  do  in  his  university  work.  The 
significance  of  the  early  work,  as  has  appeared  in 
other  studies  also,  becomes  less  and  less  the  far- 
ther through  the  course  one  goes,  so  that  in  the 
senior  year  in  college  there  is  approximately  a 
chance  distribution  with  reference  to  the  work  of 
the  first  year  high  school. 

Smith  also  presents  his  results  in  the  form  of 
coefficients  of  correlation  between  various  rank- 
ings. The  following  are  the  most  interesting  in 
the  present  connection : 

TABLE  15 

Correlations  (Smith) 

H.  S.  Average  and  Univ.  Freshman  Average 48 

H.  S.  Average  and  Univ.  Sophomore  Average 39 

H.  S.  Average  and  Univ.  Junior  Average 47 

H.  S.  Average  and  Univ.  Senior  Average 28 

1st  and  2nd  Year  High  School 77 

1st  and  3rd  Year  High  School 67 

1st  and  4th  Year  High  School 66 

University  Freshman  and  Sophomore 73 

University  Freshman  and  Junior 61 

University  Freshman  and  Senior 45 


186  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

These  fignres  of  course  indicate  the  same  facts 
as  those  derived  from  the  previous  methods  of 
expressing  the  data.  The  high  school  (H.  S.)  av- 
erage correlates  throughout  with  the  college  rank- 
ing, the  correspondence  becoming  less  apparent  in 
the  later  college  years.  Similarly,  the  good  stu- 
dents in  the  first  high  school  year  are  the  good 
ones  all  through  the  high  school  course,  and  the 
able  college  freshmen  are  able  as  sophomores, 
juniors  and  seniors.  But  both  in  high  school 
and  in  college  the  significance  of  early  stand- 
ing becomes  less  and  less  as  the  years  pro- 
gress. 

A.  L.  Jones  ^  compared  college  entrance  exami- 
nations with  work  done  later  in  the  college  course, 
in  the  freshman  and  sophomore  years.  Two  hun- 
dred men  from  the  entering  classes  of  1907,  1911 
and  1912,  in  Columbia  College,  were  selected  for 
study.  These  men  were  arranged  in  four  groups, 
fifty  in  each  group,  on  the  basis  of  (a)  their 
marks  in  entrance  examinations,  (b)  their  college 
marks  in  the  first  and  second  college  years.  Group 
I  contains  the  best  fifty  individuals.  Group  II  the 
fifty  next  best,  etc.  The  following  compiled  table 
shows  where  the  members  of  each  group  in  en- 
trance examinations  stood  in  their  college  work : 

^  Educational  Eeview,  September,  1914. 


CURRICULUM  A  VOCATIONAL  TEST     187 


TABLE  16 

Showing  Relations  between  Entrance  Records  and  Colleqb 
Standing  (Jones) 


See  Text  for  Explanation 


On  Basis  of  Entrance 

On  Basis  of  Freshman  Ranking 

Examinations 

Group  I 

Group  II 

Group  III 

Group  IV 

Group     I  (50  men) 
Group    II  (50  men) 
Group  III  (50  men) 
Group  IV  (50  men) 

30 

16 

3 

1 

13 
17 
13 

7 

5 
12 
16 
17 

2 
5 

18 
25 

On  Basis  of  Entrance 
Examinations 

On  Basis  of  Sophomore  Ranking 

Group     I  (13  men) 
Group    II  (13  men) 
Group  III  (13  men) 
Group  IV  (14  men) 

7 
4 
2 
0 

4 
5 
4 
0 

2 
2 
3 
6 

0 

2 
4 
8 

It  appears  from  this  table  that  there  is  a  fairly 
well-marked  tendency  for  the  men  to  remain  in 
the  group  in  which  they  start.  At  least  the  larger 
number  of  men  are  found  in  college  in  about  the 
same  group  in  which  they  occurred  on  the  basis 
of  entrance  examinations.  Jones  writes,  ^*It  is 
evident  from  an  examination  of  these  .  .  .  data 
that  entrance  examinations,  aside  from  other  im- 
portant uses  claimed  for  them  by  their  advocates, 
may  fitly  be  taken  as  an  important  indication  of 
the  future  career  of  the  candidate  for  admission. 


188  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

They  should  of  course  be  supplemented,  and  so 
should  any  other  means  of  determining  prepara- 
tion for  college.  Those  who  have  studied  the 
question  tell  us  that  there  is  a  high  degree  of  cor- 
relation between  intellectual  qualities  and  others. 
A  good  test  of  intellectual  fitness  is,  therefore,  in 
some  degree  a  test  of  other  qualities  also.  En- 
trance examinations  have  their  imperfections  but 
there  can  be  no  doubt  that  they  may  serve  as  a 
solid  foundation  on  which  to  build. ' ' 

Thorndike,  on  the  other  hand,  in  studying  the 
relation  between  entrance  marks  and  later  college 
standing  (Columbia  College  classes  entering  in 
1901,  1902  and  1903),  finds  results  which  lead  him 
to  say,  ^^The  important  facts  concerning  the  rela- 
tionship of  success  in  entrance  examinations  to 
success  in  college  work  .  .  .  prove  that  we  cannot 
estimate  the  latter  from  the  former  with  enough 
accuracy  to  make  the  entrance  examinations  worth 
taking  or  to  prevent  gross  and  intolerable  injus- 
tice being  done  to  many  individuals.  .  .  .  The  rec- 
ords of  eleven  entrance  examinations  give  a  less 
accurate  prophecy  of  what  a  student  will  do  in 
the  latter  half  of  his  college  course  than  does  the 
college  record  of  his  brother !  The  correlation  be- 
tween brothers  in  intellectual  ability  is  approxi- 
mately .40,  but  that  between  standing  in  entrance 


CURRICULUM  A  VOCATIONAL  TEST     189 

examinations  and  standing  in  college  of  the  same 
person  is  only  .47  for  junior  year  (130  cases)  and 
.25  for  senior  year  (56  cases).  .  .  .  From  many 
facts  such  as  these  .  .  .  it  is  certain  that  the  tra- 
ditional entrance  examinations,  even  when  as  fully 
safeguarded  as  in  the  case  of  those  given  by  the 
College  Entrance  Examination  Board,  do  not  pre- 
vent incompetence  from  getting  into  college;  do 
not  prevent  students  of  excellent  promise  from 
being  discouraged  or  barred  out  altogether ;  do  not 
measure  fitness  for  college  well  enough  to  earn  the 
respect  of  students  or  teachers;  and  do  intolerable 
injustice  to  individuals. '  * 

The  apparent  striking  contradiction  between 
these  two  reports  is  not,  however,  so  serious  when 
it  is  noted  that  the  records  of  Jones  were  taken 
from  freshman  and  sophomore  years,  while 
Thorndike's,  as  here  quoted,  were  taken  from 
junior  and  senior  years.  Thorndike  has  also  pre- 
sented, in  another  connection,  comparisons  of  en- 
trance examinations  with  the  work  of  freshman 
and  sophomore  years,  and  in  these  cages  his  corre- 
lations are  considerably  higher,  more  nearly  ap- 
proximating the  results  of  Jones.  The  correla- 
tions, for  the  four  college  years,  were  as  follows : 
freshman  year,  .62;  sophomore  year,  .50;  junior 
year,  .47;  senior  year,  .25. 


190  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

Apparently  the  only  safe  conclusion  at  present 
is  that  the  entrance  examinations  are  fairly  use- 
ful in  predicting  the  early  college  work,  their  prog- 
nostic value  becoming  less  and  less  as  the  interval 
between  the  two  measures  is  increased.  This  re- 
sult is  of  course  to  be  expected.  In  another  section 
of  this  book  occasion  is  taken  to  show  that  pre- 
liminary trials  are  of  little  value  in  indicating  the 
relative  abilities  of  individuals  when  they  have 
reached  or  approximated  their  limit  of  practice. 

77.  Are  the  school  subjects  in  which  one  is  most 
interested  in  any  way  an  indication  of  the  inter- 
ests  and  values  of  later  life?  What,  in  general, 
are  the  facts  concerning  the  permanence  of  inter- 
ests and  the  relation  between  interest  and  ability?. 
These  questions  are  of  immediate  interest  to  par- 
ents, teachers  and  vocational  counsellors. 

Here  again  we  must  turn  to  the  work  of  Thorn- 
dike  for  almost  the  only  available  information, 
and  even  this  is  only  preliminary  and  tentative, 
the  results  being  subject  to  various  sources  of  er- 
ror. This  investigator  studied  the  interests  and 
abilities  in  mathematics,  history,  literature,  sci- 
ence, music,  drawing  and  manual  work.  The  orig- 
inal records  are  the  judgments  of  one  hundred  in- 
dividuals concerning  the  order  of  their  own  inter- 
ests and  abilities  in  these  subjects  at  each  of  three 


CURRICULUM  A  VOCATIONAL  TEST     191 

periods  in  their  school  career,  elementary  school, 
high  school  and  college.  These  various  judgments 
having  been  made  as  conscientiously  as  possible, 
correlations  were  determined  between  interests  at 
different  times,  interests  and  abilities,  etc. 

Individual  relative  interests  at  different  times, 
according  to  these  records,  do  not  vary  according 
to  mere  caprice.  ^^  A  correlation  of  .60  or  .70  seems 
to  be  approximately  the  true  degree  of  resem- 
blance between  the  relative  degree  of  an  interest 
in  a  child  of  from  ten  to  fourteen  and  the  same 
person  at  twenty-one. ' '  The  resemblance  between 
ability  in  elementary  years  and  ability  in  college 
is  found  to  be  .65.  The  correlation  between  inter- 
est in  the  last  three  years  of  elementary  school  and 
capacity  in  the  college  period  is  computed  to  be 
about  .60.  This  would  mean  that  the  early  interest 
would  serve  as  a  useful  indicator  of  adult  capacity. 
**The  correlation  between  an  individual's  order  of 
subjects  for  interest  and  his  order  for  ability  is 
one  of  the  closest  of  any  that  are  known  (about 
.90)."  **A  person's  relative  interests  are  an  ex- 
traordinarily accurate  symptom  of  his  relative 
capacities. ' ' 

In  concluding  his  report  Thorndike  writes,  **  In- 
terests are  shown  to  be  [not  only  permanent  but 
also]  symptomatic,  to  a  very  great  extent,  of  pres- 


192  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

ent  and  future  capacity  or  ability.  Either  because 
one  likes  what  he  can  do  well,  or  because  one  gives 
zeal  and  effort  to  what  he  likes,  or  because  interest 
and  ability  are  both  symptoms  of  some  funda- 
mental feature  of  the  individual 's  original  nature, 
or  because  of  the  combined  action  of  all  three  of 
these  factors,  interest  and  ability  are  bound  very 
close  together.  The  bond  is  so  close  that  either 
may  be  used  as  a  symptom  for  the  other  almost 
as  well  as  for  itself.  The  importance  of  these 
facts  for  the  whole  field  of  practice  with  respect  to 
early  diagnosis,  vocational  guidance,  the  work  of 
social  secretaries,  deans,  advisers,  and  others  who 
direct  students'  choices  of  schools,  studies,  and 
careers  is  obvious.  They  should  be  taken  account 
of  in  such  practice  until  they  are  verified  or  modi- 
fied by  data  obtained  by  a  better  method ;  and  such 
data  should  soon  be  collected.  The  better  method 
is,  of  course,  to  get  the  measurements  of  relative 
interest  and  of  relative  ability,  not  from  memory, 
but  at  the  time,  and  not  from  individuals'  reports 
alone,  but  by  objective  tests.'' 

777.  75  there  any  relation  between  general  or 
particular  academic  aptitude  or  inclination  and 
general  or  particular  proficiency  in  the  later  do- 
mestic, industrial,  commercial,  professional  or 
civic  activities?    This  question  is  of  importance 


CURRICULUM  A  VOCATIONAL  TEST     193 

not  only  to  the  individual  and  Ms  guide  but  also 
to  employers,  agencies  and  society  at  large. 

An  interesting  and  significant  study  bearing  on 
this  question  has  been  reported  by  Nicholson, 
who  investigated  the  relation  between  academic 
success  and  prominence  in  later  life.  The  men 
graduating  from  Wesley  an  University  during  the 
years  1833  to  1899, 1,667  in  number,  were  arranged 
in  three  groups.  In  the  first  group  were  the  140 
*^ honor"  men,  who  were  valedictorians  or  salu- 
tatorians  of  their  classes.  In  the  second  group 
were  placed  all  the  men  elected  to  Phi  Beta  Kappa, 
on  the  basis  of  high  scholarship.  Of  these  there 
were  461.  In  the  third  group  were  placed  the  re- 
maining 1,206  men.  It  was  then  determined  how 
many  of  these  men  were  found  in  the  current  edi- 
tion of  Who^s  Who,  or  were  judged,  by  faculty  or 
fellow  students,  as  having  been  or  about  to  be  of 
sufficient  distinction  to  be  included  in  such  a  di- 
rectory. The  results  are  given  in  the  following 
tabulation. 

Referring  to  these  results,  Nicholson  remarks, 
*^From  this  study  of  the  careers  of  sixteen  hun- 
dred and  sixty-seven  graduates,  living  and  dead, 
where  three  different  methods  are  employed  in 
determining  distinction  in  after  life,  it  appears 
that  the  results  are  fairly  constant,  and  we  are 


194j 


VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 


TABLE  17 

Showing  the  Relation  between  College  Honobs  and  Inclu- 
sion IN  Who's  Who  (Nicholson) 

See  Text  for  Explanation 


643  Students,  of  the 
years  1833-1859 

Per  Cent  Judged  by  Faculty  to 
be  of  Who's  Who  Rank 

Honor  Men (53) 

P.B.K.  Men (167) 

Remainder (476) 

50 

32 

6 

604  Students  of  the 
Years  1860-1889 

Per  Cent  Found  in  1914-15  Edition 
of  Who's  Who 

Honor  Men (59) 

P.B.K.  Men (185) 

Remainder (419) 

48 
31 
10 

420  Students  of  the 
Years  1890-1899 

Per  Cent  in  Who's  Who  or  Judged  by 
Classmates  as  about  to  be  There. 

Honor  Men (28) 

P.B.K.  Men (109) 

Remainder (311) 

50 
30 
11 

Total  of  1667  Students 

Per  Cent  with  Distinction  Entitling 
to  Inclusion  in  Who's  Who. 

Honor  Men (  140) 

P.B.K.  Men (  461) 

Remainder (1206) 

50 

31 

9 

justified  in  assuming  that,  for  this  college  at  least, 
the  chances  of  distinction  for  a  high  honor  gradu- 
ate, one  of  the  two  or  three  leading  scholars  of 
the  class,  are  just  even;  that  one  out  of  three  of 
those  elected  to  Phi  Beta  Kappa  is  likely  to 
achieve  pronounced  success  in  life ;  and  that  each 


CURRICULUM  A  VOCATIONAL  TEST     195 

of  the  remaining  members  of  the  class  has  less 
than  one  chance  in  ten  to  become  famous.  Li  other 
words,  roughly  speaking,  the  quarter  (or  the  fifth) 
of  the  class  elected  to  Phi  Beta  Kappa  are  likely 
to  supply  just  as  many  distinguished  men  as  are 
the  remaining  three-quarters  (now  four-fifths)  of 
the  class. ' ' 

The  study  of  Nicholson  includes  only  that  type 
of  success  which  would  be  likely  to  lead  to  inclu- 
sion in  Who's  Who,  viz.,  the  more  strictly  literary, 
professional,  political,  and  academic  success.  The 
commercial,  industrial  and  business  careers  are 
not  so  likely  to  lead  to  inclusion  in  this  directory, 
and  yet  success  in  them  is  no  less  definite  than  in 
the  professional  work.  It  is  rather  difficult  to  de- 
termine the  degree  to  which  success  in  these  fields 
is  determined  by  ability  alone,  and  to  what  degree 
it  is  a  function  of  chance,  inheritance,  social 
charm,  prestige,  and  geographical  and  economic 
circumstance.  Nevertheless  it  would  be  interest- 
ing to  know  whether  such  measure  of  success  as 
can  be  secured  correlates  in  any  way  with  success 
in  the  work  of  school  years. 

In  an  unpublished  study  of  the  graduates  of 
Pratt  Institute,  Dr.  D.  E.  Rice  has  compared  the 
grades  achieved  by  students  in  the  courses  in  Me- 
chanical Engineering  and  Electrical  Engineering 


196  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

with  the  salaries  the  men  were  receiving  several 
years  after  graduation.  There  were  in  all  six 
classes  of  men,  numbering  about  forty  each — 
three  classes  from  Mechanical  Engineering  and 
three  from  Electrical  Engineering,  for  the  years  of 
1907,  1908,  1909.  The  salary  reports  were  asked 
for  in  1913,  four  to  six  years  after  graduation. 

The  men  were  ranked  according  to  the  grades 
they  received  in  the  eight  different  subjects  in- 
cluded in  the  curriculum,  the  grades  being  10,  9,  8, 
and  7,  corresponding  to  the  ordinary  grade  system 
of  A,  B,  C,  D.  They  were  then  ranked  according 
to  the  salary  reported  at  the  time  of  the  investi- 
gation. Eesults  for  each  class  were  treated  sep- 
arately so  that  the  time  elapsing  since  graduation 
was  not  a  factor  in  the  results.  The  following 
table  gives  the  results  when  these  two  rankings 
were  correlated  by  two  statistical  methods  of  com- 
puting correlation. 

In  every  case  the  correlation  between  grades 
and  salary  is  positive,  although  the  coefficients 
are  all  small.  This  means  that  in  the  long  run 
there  is  a  general  tendency  for  the  good  salaries 
to  go  to  the  men  whose  grades  were  high,  but  that 
there  are  many  exceptions  to  the  rule.  Certainly 
in  no  class  is  the  opposite  tendency  shown,  for  the 
good  salaries  to  go  to  the  poor  students.     It  is 


CURRICULUM  A  VOCATIONAL  TEST     197 

TABLE  18 

Showing   the    Correlation   between   School   Standing   and 
Salaries  Earned  in  Later  Life  (Rice) 


See  Text  for  Explanation 

Class  and  Year 

Cases 

Correlation  by 

Pearson  Method, 

and  P.E. 

Correlation  by 

Per  Cent  of  Unlike 

Signs,  and  P.E. 

Mechanical  '07 

Mechanical  '08 

Mechanical  '09 

35 
41 
39 

.36             .08 
.25             .09 
.21             .09 

.22             .09 
.34             .08 
.06             .10 

Electricar07 

Electrical  '08 

Electricar09 

26 
36 
41 

.16             .13 
.46             .08 
.16             .10 

.25             .12 
.51             .08 
.28             .09 

Averages 

.267 

.277 

probable  that  the  correlations  found  here  are  as 
low  as  they  are  partly  because  in  this  technical 
school  there  is  no  special  effort  made  to  encour- 
age high  grades  for  their  own  sake,  the  empha- 
sis being  rather  on  getting  a  good  average  rat- 
ing. 

Just  what  these  degrees  of  correlation  mean  is 
made  somewhat  more  apparent  if  we  treat  the 
data  in  another  way.  If  instead  of  computing  co- 
efficients of  correlation  we  divide  each  class  of  men 
into  four  quartiles,  and  determine  the  average 
salaries  of  the  men  in  these  quartiles,  we  get  very 
definite  results.  The  upper  quartile  or  group  will 
now  contain  that  fourth  of  the  class  whose  grades 


198 


VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 


were  highest.  The  second,  third  and  fourth  quar- 
tiles  will  in  turn  represent  decreasing  degrees  of 
academic  proficiency.  If  the  average  salaries  are 
the  same  for  all  qnartiles,  this  will  mean  that  there 
is  no  relation  between  salary  and  school  grades. 
But  if  the  salary  varies  with  the  grades,  this  will 
be  a  significant  result.  The  actual  data  are  as  fol- 
lows: 

TABLE  19 
Rice's  Data  Presented  in  a  Revised  Form 


Cases 

Average  Salaries  of  the 

Class  and  Year 

1st 
Quartile 

2nd 
Quartile 

3rd 
Quartile 

4th 
Quartile 

Mechanical  '07 

Mechanical  '08 

Mechanical  '09 

35 
41 
39 

$1800 
1450 
1375 

$1675 
1512 
1262 

$1362 
1512 
1313 

$1387 
1275 
1137 

Electrical  '07 

Electrical  '08 

Electricar09 

26 
36 
41 

1750 
2147 
1462 

1675 
1437 
1212 

1675 
1262 
1387 

1412 
1262 
1200 

Averages 

$1664 

$1462 

$1418 

$1279 

Percentages 

100% 

87% 

85% 

76% 

If  the  separate  classes  be  now  considered  the 
results  are  seen  to  be  more  or  less  irregular,  al- 
though the  general  tendency  is  apparent.  If  the 
average  results  from  all  six  classes  are  consid- 
ered the  results  are  more  reliable  as  well  as  more 


CURRICULUM  A  VOCATIONAL  TEST     199 

uniform.  The  average  salary  varies  in  the  same 
way  as  do  the  grades.  If  the  average  salary  of  the 
men  of  the  first  quartile  ($1,664)  be  taken  as  a 
basis  of  comparison  and  considered  one  hundred 
per  cent,  then  the  salaries  of  the  men  in  the  sec- 
ond, third  and  fourth  quartiles  are  respectively 
only  eighty-seven,  eighty-five  and  seventy-six  per 
cent  of  this  amount.  In  general  terms,  the  salary 
of  the  men  in  the  lower  or  poorest  quarter  of  the 
class,  from  the  point  of  view  of  school  grades,  will 
be  only  three-fourths  the  salary  of  the  men  in 
the  upper  or  best  quarter.  The  two  middle  quar- 
tiles will  differ  but  little  from  each  other,  al- 
though the  second  has  the  advantage,  by  two  per 
cent,  or  $44,  over  the  third  quarter. 

If  the  class  be  divided  into  a  better  and  a  poorer 
half,  then  the  average  salary  of  the  men  in  the 
upper  half  is  seen  to  be  $1,563,  while  that  of  the 
men  in  the  lower  half  is  only  $1,348.  The  men  in 
the  upper  half  earn  $215  more  in  a  year  than  the 
men  in  the  lower  half.  This  way  of  expressing 
the  results  is  both  clearer  and  more  concrete  than 
the  mere  statement  of  the  coefficient  of  correla- 
tion. 

Interesting  data  on  all  three  of  these  preceding 
questions  are  to  be  found  in  A.  Lawrence  Lowell's 
study  of  the  academic  careers  of  students  in  Har- 


200  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

vard  College,  Law  School  and  Medical  School. 
This  investigation  included  an  examination  into 
the  college  entrance  examinations,  the  records 
attained  during  the  college  course,  the  subjects 
elected  in  this  course,  and  the  subsequent  achieve- 
ment of  the  men  in  the  professional  schools  of  law 
and  medicine.  The  statistics  cover  the  cases  of 
all  men  who  took  the  degree  of  A.  B.  at  Harvard 
and  then  graduated  from  the  two  professional 
schools  connected  with  Harvard.  Only  men  who 
had  taken  at  least  three  years  of  college  work  in 
residence  were  included.  The  records  for  the  Law 
School  cover  the  twenty  years  from  1891  to  1910. 
Those  for  the  Medical  School  cover  the  sixteen 
years  from  1895  forward. 

The  college  gives  degrees  indicating  four  grades 
of  distinction  on  the  basis  of  scholarship.  These 
are  indicated  as  ^^ plain,''  ^^cum  laude,"  ^' magna 
cum  laude''  and  ^^summa  cum  laude."  The  two 
professional  schools  grant  degrees  with  two 
grades  of  distinction,  viz.,  ^' plain"  and  ^'cum 
laude. ' ' 

Lowell  assumes  that  the  grade  attained  on  the 
college  entrance  examinations  indicates  with  a 
certain  degree  of  correctness  the  natural  scholarly 
abilities  of  the  student.  The  course  of  studies 
elected  during  college  reflects  roughly  the  general 


CURRICULUM  A  VOCATIONAL  TEST     201 

interests  of  the  student  at  that  time.  The  college 
records  indicate  his  ability  in  the  pursuit  of  those 
studies,  including  under  ability  such  things  as  per- 
sistence, patience,  fidelity,  zeal,  as  well  as  native 
intelligence.  The  records  in  the  professional 
schools  are  taken  as  indicating  quite  approxi- 
mately the  student's  real  ability  to  achieve  suc- 
cess in  the  particular  professional  work  of  the 
technical  sort. 

All  students  are  consequently  classified  accord- 
ing to  these  various  factors.  The  entrance  exami- 
nations are  divided  into  '^ clear"  and  ^^condi- 
tioned. ' '  The  college  degrees  and  the  professional 
degrees  are  classified  on  the  basis  of  the  degree 
of  distinction  awarded.  All  students  are  also 
classified  on  the  basis  of  their  election  of  the  four 
possible  college  courses:  (a)  literature  and  lan- 
guages; (b)  natural  sciences;  (c)  history  and  po- 
litical science;  (d)  philosophy  and  mathematics. 
The  relations  between  these  various  classifica- 
tions are  then  presented,  and  analyzed  in  various 
ways. 

Thus  it  is  shown  that  there  is  very  little  or  no 
relation  between  the  college  course  elected  and 
the  probability  of  achieving  a  degree  ^^cum 
laude"  in  the  professional  schools.  The  figures 
are  summed  up  in  the  following  table : 


W2 


VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 


TABLE  20 

Showing  Relation  between  Course  Elected  in  College  and 
Honors  Received  in  Subsequent  Years  in  Professional 
Schools  (Lowell) 


Course  Pursued 

Degree  in  Law 
School 

Degree  in  Medical 
School 

[Plain 

"Cum  Laude" 

Plam 

"Cum  Laude" 

Lit.  and  Lang 

Nat.  Science 

Hist,  and  Pol.  Sci.. 
Phil,  and  Math.... 

801 

19 

627 

8 

180(18.4%) 

3(13.6%) 

129(17.1%) 

11  (57.9%) 

145 

75 

30 

6 

166(53.4%) 

81  (51.9%) 

20(44.4%) 

7(53.8%) 

The  figures  suggest  that  ^ '  as  a  preparation  for 
the  study  of  law  or  medicine  it  makes  compara- 
tively little  difference  what  subject  is  mainly  pur- 
sued in  college. ' '  That  is  to  say,  college  interests 
in  natural  sciences,  as  indicated  by  the  election  of 
that  course,  does  not  indicate  special  aptitude  for 
the  work  of  medicine;  nor  does  the  election  of 
courses  in  history  and  political  science  indicate  a 
necessary  superiority  in  the  more  or  less  related 
work  of  law.  Lowell  shows  that  only  during  the 
first  year  or  so  of  the  medical  school  do  those  who 
have  already  specialized  in  natural  sciences  have 
any  advantage  over  those  medical  students  who 
have  specialized  in  other  subjects. 

What  is  the  relation  between  the  men's  rec- 
ords in  college  and  their  achievement  in  the  pro- 


CURRICULUM  A  VOCATIONAL  TEST     203 

f essional  schools  ?  In  the  following  table  are  given 
the  number  of  college  men  of  each  degree  of  dis- 
tinction who  were  awarded  *^cum  laude'*  in  the 
professional  schools: 

TABLE  21 

Showing  Relation  between   College   Honors   and  Honobs 

IN  THE  Professional  Schools  (Lowell) 


Record  in  College 

Number  Awarded  "Cimi  Laude" 
in  Law 

609  Plain  Degree 

40                     6.6% 

305  Cum  Laude 

68                   22.3% 

200  Magna  Cum  Laude 

33  Summa  Cum  Laude 

80                   40.0% 
20                   60.0% 

Record  in  College 

Number  Awarded  "Cum  Laude" 
in  Medicine 

239  Plain 

86                   36.0% 

85  Cum  Laude 

65                   76.5% 

39  Magna  Cum  Laude 

2  Summa  Cum  Laude 

34                   87.2% 
2                 100.0% 

It  is  apparent  at  once  that  there  is  a  close  rela- 
tion between  the  college  records  and  the  records 
in  the  professional  schools.  Both  in  law  and  in 
medicine  those  who  are  awarded  honors  tend 
largely  to  be  those  who  were  awarded  honors  in 
college.  And  the  higher  the  college  honors,  the 
greater  the  percentage  of  men  receiving  honors 
in  the  professional  schools. 

We  may  now  ask  how  far  back  in  the  academic 
careers  of  these  men  it  is  possible  to  predict  their 


S04  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

probable  acbievement  in  tbe  professional  scliools. 
Have  those  who  are  awarded  the  professional  hon- 
ors already  distinguished  themselves  from  their 
fellows  at  the  time  of  their  entrance  into  college? 
The  following  summary  of  the  results  presented 
by  Lowell  in  much  more  detail  will  help  answer 
this  question : 

TABLE  22 

Showing  Relations  between  Various  Academic  Records 
(Lowell) 

Men  Graduating  from  the  Law  School  and 
Receiving  "Cum  Laude"  in  Law 

Per 
cent 

Entered  college  "clear" 26.4 

Entered  college  " conditioned" 9.0 

Graduated  from  college  with  distinction 31 . 2 

Graduated  from  college  without  distinction 6.5 

Entrance  clear  and  college  distinction 37 . 9 

Entrance  conditioned  and  college  with  distinction 18 . 1 

Entrance  clear  and  college  without  distinction 11.1 

Entrance  conditioned  and  college  without  distinction 2.9 


Men  Graduating  from  the  Medical  School  and 
Receiving  "Cum  Laude"  in  Medicine 

Per 
cent 

Entered  college  "clear" 59 . 1 

Entered  college  " conditioned" 43 . 0 

Graduated  from  coUege  with  distinction 80. 1 

Graduated  from  college  without  distinction 36.0 

Entrance  clear  and  college  distinction 78 . 1 

Entrance  conditioned  and  college  distinction 84.6 

Entrance  clear  and  college  without  distinction 42 . 4 

Entrance  conditioned  and  college  without  distinction 31.4 


CURRICULUM  A  VOCATIONAL  TEST     205 

Here  the  result  is  clearly  suggested  that  early 
merit  in  academic  work  means  success  in  the  pro- 
fessional schools,  whether  one  considers  entrance 
examinations  or  college  records.  And  the  most 
probable  group  for  professional  honors  is  made  up 
of  those  men  who  combined  both  entrance  and  col- 
lege distinction.  This  is  especially  striking  in  the 
case  of  the  law  school.  In  the  case  of  the  med- 
ical school  the  differences  are  not  quite  so  great, 
although  the  general  tendency  is  quite  the  same. 
This  is  said  to  be  due  to  the  lower  standard  re- 
quired for  medical  honors  during  these  years. 
Lowell  concludes:  ^^The  men  who  are  destined 
to  take  the  highest  rank  in  the  law  and  medical 
schools  are  markedly  better  scholars,  both  in  the 
preparatory  schools  and  in  college,  than  their  fel- 
lows. In  intellectual  power,  as  in  other  things,  the 
boy  is  father  to  the  man.'' 

On  the  whole,  then,  all  these  studies  point  in  a 
consistent  direction;  those  who  are  destined  to 
achieve  distinction  and  success  begin  to  do  so  at 
an  early  age.  Whether  measured  by  achievement 
in  academic  courses,  honors  in  professional  and 
technical  courses,  salary  earned  after  graduation, 
or  inclusion  among  lists  and  directories  of  eminent 
men,  success  in  later  life  is  suggested  by  success  in 
the  early  work  of  the  school  curriculum.    In  spite 


206  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

of  frequent  connnents  to  the  contrary,  the  school 
curriculum  would  seem  to  constitute  a  useful  test 
in  prognosticating  at  least  the  most  probable  qual- 
ity of  the  individual's  later  work. 

But  our  original  three  questions  are  at  present 
answered  with  very  unequal  reliability.  With  re- 
spect to  the  relation  between  early  success  or  fail- 
ure in  elementary  school  subjects  and  success  or 
failure  in  handling  more  advanced  subject  matter, 
the  evidence  is  clear  and  definite. 

On  the  question  as  to  the  permanence  of  inter- 
ests and  the  relation  between  interest  and  ability, 
the  evidence  is  far  from  adequate  for  vocational 
purposes.  While  the  conclusion  suggested  is  posi- 
tive in  Thorndike's  study,  the  investigator  recog- 
nizes that  the  results  require  confirmation  or  refu- 
tation at  the  hands  of  more  reliable  and  verifiable 
information.  It  has  appeared  fairly  certain  that 
interest,  as  reflected  in  choice  of  college  subjects, 
bears  no  relation  to  ability  to  undertake  the  work 
of  at  least  two  definite  branches  of  professional 
training. 

On  the  third  question,  concerning  the  relation 
between  general  or  particular  academic  aptitude 
or  inclination  and  general  or  particular  proficiency 
in  later  domestic,  industrial,  commercial,  pro- 
fessional or  civic  activities,  the  data,  although  con- 


CURRICULUM  A  VOCATIONAL  TEST     207 

sistent,  are  far  from  complete.  Here,  then,  as  in 
so  many  other  aspects  of  vocational  psychology, 
we  find  an  inviting  field  of  research  and  an  abun- 
dance of  interesting  problems. 


CHAPTEE   IX 

THE  DETEEMINAITTS   OP  VOCATIONAL  APTITUDE 

Without  attempting  to  distinguish  between  the 
different  detailed  occupations,  either  on  the  basis 
of  materials  dealt  with,  the  social  or  individual 
purposes  realized,  or  the  special  qualifications  de- 
manded, we  can  still  divide  vocations  broadly  into 
five  general  types,  depending  on  the  degree  to 
which  they  are  likely  to  call  for  complete  and  nor- 
mal psychological  equipment.  Such  a  classifica- 
tion is  of  Httle  service  in  the  concrete  guidance  of 
individuals,  since  the  general  types  include  work 
of  the  most  diverse  sorts ;  but  it  may  be  useful  in 
suggesting  the  various  types  of  qualities  that  are 
of  vital  importance  in  determining  aptitude  for 
any  work  at  all,  and  may  in  this  way  aid  in  outlin- 
ing the  work  of  further  investigation. 

1.  In  the  first  place  there  are  many  useful  and 
remunerative  types  of  labor  which  can  be  per- 
formed by  a  domesticated  animal  or  an  imbecile, 
when  working  under  constant  or  close  supervision. 
Hauling  loads,  mowing  grass,  felling  timber,  saw- 
ing wood,  digging  holes,  breaking  stone,  weaving 

208 


DETERMINANTS  OF  APTITUDE        209 

doormats,  and  the  simple  types  of  work  commonly- 
performed  in  institutions  for  the  mentally  de- 
ficient are  instances.  The  detection  of  individuals 
thus  poorly  equipped,  their  congregation  and  seg- 
regation under  supervision,  and  their  useful  em- 
ployment, are  at  once  psychologically  easy  and 
economically  desirable,  as  has  already  been  indi- 
cated in  detail  in  Chapter  III. 

2.  Somewhat  more  abundant  and  diversified  are 
those  forms  of  employment  for  the  unspecialized 
mental  competent.  This  requires  only  a  suffi- 
cient degree  of  intelligence  to  enable  the  individ- 
ual to  escape  classification  as  a  mental  incompe- 
tent. One  who  is  capable  of  earning  a  living  under 
favorable  circumstances,  in  the  absence  of  aggres- 
sive competition  and  without  close  supervision, 
can  find  his  or  her  level  in  the  ^^ blind  alley''  oc- 
cupations. These  offer  no  prospects  of  promo- 
tion to  positions  of  responsibility  and  skill,  and 
by  definition,  this  group  of  individuals  afford  suit- 
able workers  for  these  occupations.  They  fill  the 
gap  between  the  feeble-minded  and  that  degree  of 
intelligence  which  the  most  moderately  endowed 
average  individual  typifies.  Eough  clerking  and 
attending,  simple  personal  and  domestic  service, 
delivering  goods  of  small  value,  laundry  work  of 
the  mechanical  sort,  supervised  manual  and  agri- 


210  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

cultural  labor,  waiting  on  domesticated  animals, 
standardized  and  mechanical  factory  operations, 
wrapping,  cleaning,  polishing,  petty  shop-keep- 
ing, running  errands  and  freight  elevators,  street 
cleaning,  janitorial  assistance,  etc.,  are  forms  of 
work  about  equally  difficult  and  satisfjdng.  They 
do  not  involve  the  acquisition  of  special  skill  or 
technical  knowledge  and  they  are  capable  of  per- 
formance, in  the  main,  by  almost  any  physically 
able  person  above  the  status  of  f  eeble-mindedness. 
We  may  expect  that  in  the  very  near  future  there 
will  be  provided  standardized  scales  for  the  deter- 
mination of  general  intelligence  of  this  degree. 
Even  now  it  is  fairly  easy  to  select  from  a  group 
of  children  those  who,  while  not  positively  mentally 
defective,  are  nevertheless  slow  of  comprehension, 
stupid,  unable  to  acquire  new  knowledge  and  skill 
with  facility,  and  perhaps  disinclined  or  unable  to 
form  the  moral  and  social  habits  of  honesty,  clean- 
liness, promptness,  truthfulness  and  economy. 
Since  these  can  fill  the  ^^ blind  alley"  occupations 
with  fair  satisfaction  they  should  be  *  ^  guided ' '  into 
the  first  available  positions  of  this  kind. 

Thorndike  has  advocated  a  series  of  tests,  ex- 
perience with  which  leads  him  to  say : 

*' Suppose  that  the  general  intellectual  ability 
of  the  dullest  men  who  are  able  to  support  and 


DETERMINANTS  OF  APTITUDE        211 

look  after  themselves  (men  who  though  temperate 
and  strong  earn  say  $400  a  year  in  good  times  in 
New  York  City)  be  represented  by  a  and  that  of 
Aristotle  or  Goethe  hj  a-^-h,  the  difference,  h,  be- 
ing 100.  Then  the  amount  of  such  ability  assigned 
by  the  tests  alone  would  not,  on  the  average,  vary 
from  the  individual's  true  amount  by  more  than 
5 ;  and  would  not  vary  therefrom  by  more  than  14 
in  one  case  out  of  a  hundred.  The  5  and  14  are 
very  cautious  estimates,  4  and  11  being  probably 
nearer  what  such  an  experiment  would  in  fact 
reveal." 

He  further  remarks, '  *  There  is  excellent  reason 
to  believe  that  it  is  literally  true  that  the  result  of 
two  hours'  tests  properly  chosen  from  those  al- 
ready tested  gives  a  better  diagnosis  of  an  edu- 
cated adult's  general  intellectual  ability  than  the 
result  of  the  judgments  of  two  teachers  or  friends 
who  have  observed  him  in  the  ordinary  course  of 
life  each  for  a  thousand  hours. ' '  ^  Interesting  ap- 
plications of  tests  of  this  general  character  have 
been  reported  by  Scott.  Workers  of  various  kinds, 
such  as  salesmen  and  clerks,  were  graded  by  their 
employers  or  supervisors  on  the  basis  of  their  ac- 

1  The  series  of  tests  proposed,  and  an  especially  clear  discussion  of 
the  problems,  methods  and  characteristic  results  of  these  tests,  is  to 
be  found  in  Science,  Jan.  24,  1913,  pp.  133-142,  in  Thomdike's  arti- 
cle on  "Educational  Diafinosis." 


212  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

tual  ability  at  tlieir  task.  It  was  possible  in  some 
cases  to  get  very  accurate  objective  measures  of 
ability  to  sell  goods,  etc.,  by  keeping  records  of 
achievement  over  a  considerable  period  of  time. 
These  objective  measures  have  been  compared 
with  the  results  of  psychological  tests  adminis- 
tered at  the  time  the  men  were  employed.  Posi- 
tive correlations  ranging  in  several  instances  as 
high  as  .80  to  .90  were  secured.  This  means  that 
ability  in  the  performance  of  the  particular  men- 
tal tests  used  was  a  very  reliable  sign  of  ability 
in  the  field.  Various  instances  similar  to  these 
have  already  been  described  in  Chapter  5. 

3.  If,  as  seems  quite  likely,  it  be  ultimately 
demonstrated  that  there  are  some  characteristics, 
aptitudes  and  capacities  that  depend  directly  on 
congenital  endowment,  special  nervous  and  sen- 
sory characteristics  of  a  valuable  kind,  we  may 
mark  off  another  group  of  occuj)ations  for  which 
particular  individuals  are  well  adapted,  though 
not  exclusively  so,  by  original  nature.  Among  the 
traits  which  have  been  said  to  occur  in  some  such 
direct  hereditary  way,  or  as  the  result  of  unex- 
plained mutation  or  deviation  from  type,  are: 
mathematical  aptitude,  ability  in  drawing,  mu- 
sical composition,  singing,  poetic  reaction,  mili- 
tary strategy,  chess  playing.    Maternity,  as  a  vo- 


DETERMINANTS  OF  APTITUDE         21S 

cation,  is  of  course  strictly  sex  limited.  Pitch  dis- 
crimination seems  to  depend  on  structural  factors 
which  are  not  susceptible  of  improvement  by  prac- 
tice. The  same  may  be  said  of  various  forms  of 
professional  athletic  achievement.  Color  blind- 
ness seems  to  be  an  instance  of  the  conspicuous 
absence  of  such  a  unit  characteristic.  ^  ^  Poets, '  *  it 
is  said,  **are  born,  not  made.''  Many  of  these 
apparent  unit  characteristics  are  so  relatively  in- 
dependent that  they  often  occur  in  quite  surpris- 
ing degree  in  individuals  who  are  otherwise  im- 
becilic.  Mathematical,  musical,  graphic  and  deco- 
rative aptitudes,  mechanical  memory ,  and  certain 
tjTpes  of  manual  dexterity  and  mechanical  cun- 
ning are  frequently  exhibited  by  the  idiot  savant. 
By  the  idiot  savant  is  meant  an  individual  who  is 
in  most  respects  mentally  defective,  who  perhaps 
cannot  dress  himself,  cannot  adequately  learn  to 
speak  or  write,  but  who  possesses  some  particular 
ability  to  a  surprising  degree.  Such  individuals 
may  be  able  to  perform  on  various  musical  instru- 
ments, to  compose  music,  to  sketch  designs  and 
objects  in  an  imitative  manner,  to  remember  long 
lists  of  disconnected  names  or  numbers,  to  weave 
acceptably  such  articles  as  rugs  and  scarfs,  or  to 
construct  complicated  mechanical  objects  such  as 
furniture,  pumps,  and  sailing  vessels. 


214  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

Cases  of  rare  possession  of  unit  characters  con- 
stitute the  ^* genius''  of  ordinary  conversation. 
These  seem  to  present  no  problem  for  vocational 
psychology.  Their  marked  unusualness  renders 
them  sufficiently  obvious,  even  to  the  individual 
who  does  not  systematically  analyze  himself.  Such 
a  prodigy  requires  a  generous  friend  and  an  op- 
portunity rather  than  a  vocational  expert. 

4.  There  remain  two  further  types  of  work,  in 
which  vocational  psychology  really  finds  its  true 
task.  There  are  on  the  one  hand  a  large  number 
of  occupations  that  require  neither  unusual  intel- 
ligence, special  aptitude,  nor  technical  training, 
such  as  those  of  the  small  tradesmen,  responsible 
clerks,  collectors,  watchmen,  agents,  solicitors, 
motormen,  conductors,  soldiers,  cashiers,  cooks, 
nursemaids,  etc.  Above  all,  these  types  of  work 
require  the  moral  and  social  virtues,  such  as  hon- 
esty, courtesy,  truthfulness,  patience,  promptness, 
cleanliness,  etc.  Their  lack  of  need  of  special  tech- 
nical knowledge  is  indicated  by  the  apprenticeship 
method  by  which  most  of  them  are  commonly  be- 
gun. Also,  the  absence  of  simple  and  direct  tests 
of  the  presence  of  these  moral  and  social  virtues 
and  habits  requires  that  for  a  long  time  to  come 
this  method  of  trial,  combined  with  the  judgments 
of  associates  in  the  form  of  testimonial,  personal 


DETERMINANTS  OF  APTITUDE         215 

recommendation,  etc.,  must  be  continued.  If  psy- 
chology, in  the  immediate  or  remote  future,  shall 
ever  discover  or  invent  expedient  tests  for  the 
measurements  of  these  moral  characteristics,  it 
will  have  done  a  work  that  is  at  present  equaled 
only  by  the  formation  of  the  various  graded  scales 
for  measuring  more  strictly  intellectual  capacities. 
At  present  no  such  tests  are  vouched  for  by  even 
the  most  enthusiastic  of  prophets. 

5.  Finally,  and  closely  related  to  these  occupa- 
tions calling  mainly  for  moral  habits  and  social 
reactions,  come  the  bulk  of  the  world's  occupa- 
tions, those  adequately  performed  by  and  consti- 
tuting the  permanent  task  of  the  man  or  woman 
of  average  intelligence.  By  average  intelligence 
we  do  not  of  course  imply  any  uniform  or  stand- 
ardized homogeneous  equipment.  We  mean  those 
varying  degrees  of  intellectual  proficiency,  educa- 
tive docility,  social  cooperativeness  and  instinctive 
adequacy  which  fill  the  major  section  of  the  curve 
of  distribution,  that  between  the  feeble-minded 
and  obviously  stupid,  on  the  one  hand,  and  on  the 
other  the  genius,  with  special  and  distinguished 
traits  or  capacities. 

In  these  occupations  the  degree  of  intelligence 
is  by  no  means  the  sole  determinant  of  either  suc- 
cessful or  satisfactory  performance.     Tempera- 


216  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

mental  characteristics,  sucli  as  those  enumerated 
by  Schneider  and  by  Thorndike,  the  local  and  wan- 
dering inclinations,  active  and  sedentary  disposi- 
tions, tendencies  to  competitiveness,  imitation, 
suggestibility,  sympathy,  curiosity,  and  the  entire 
series  of  instinctive  propensities,  dominant  orig- 
inal or  acquired  types  of  satisfaction  and  annoy- 
ance, attitudinal,  volitional  and  emotional  differ- 
ences, and  the  moral  and  social  traits,  such  as  per- 
sistence, frankness,  piety,  loyalty,  zeal,  all  these 
may  be  expected  to  combine  in  varying  relations 
of  compensation  and  reenforcement,  substitution 
and  facilitation.  What  one  lacks  in  quickness  it  is 
often  possible  to  make  up  in  persistence;  what 
another  lacks  in  ambition  and  competitiveness  he 
may  supply  in  the  form  of  loyalty  and  zeal ;  rela- 
tive intellectual  inferiority  is  often  and  easily  bal- 
anced by  the  display  of  social  charm;  persistent, 
well-directed  and  enthusiastic  effort  or  even  a 
good  vocabulary  may  enable  one  to  compete  suc- 
cessfully with  the  exceptional  genius  who  does 
not  display  these  incentives  or  advantages. 

In  the  proposals  to  direct  individuals  into  their 
proper  life  careers,  the  advocates  have  quite  com- 
monly failed  to  make  sufScient  allowance  for  the 
overwhelming  importance  of  incentive,  motive,  at- 
titude and  purpose,  and  the  large  role  they  play 


DETERMINANTS  OF  APTITUDE         ^17 

in  determining  the  possible  achievements  of  a 
nervous  system.  It  is  well  enough  to  test  the  mem- 
ory span,  attention  type,  and  reaction  time  of  an 
applicant  for  a  job  as  motorman  on  a  street  car. 
It  is  still  more  important  to  learn  the  strength 
of  his  instinctive  competitive  reactions,  to  meas- 
ure the  degree  of  his  belief  in  hell  or  in  socialism, 
or  the  firmness  of  his  intention  to  effect  the  higher 
education  of  his  children.  By  ^^more  important^' 
I  mean  better  calculated  to  reveal  his  fitness  for 
the  work.  I  would  rather  trust  my  life  and  limb  to 
a  motorman  whose  feeble  memory  span  is  re- 
enforced  by  a  loyal  devotion  to  the  comfort  of  his 
grandmother  than  to  a  mnemonic  prodigy  whose 
chief  actuating  motive  in  life  is  to  be  a  '^  good  fel- 
low.'' 

These  comments  should  not  be  construed  as  an 
underestimation  of  the  usefulness  of  the  simple  in- 
tellectual test  as  a  preliminary  precaution  in  en- 
gaging employees  or  in  detecting  extreme  depar- 
tures from  the  mode  or  average.  The  use  of  such 
tests  in  discovering  such  departures  and  variants 
as  idiocy,  imbecility  and  general  stupidity  has 
beep  amply  justified  by  experience  with  them. 
But  we  are  primarily  concerned  here  with  the  de- 
tei-mination  of  individual  differences  and  qualifica- 
tions within  the  large  middle  range  of  the  curve  of 


218  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

distribution.    My  conviction  is  that,  in  the  case  of 
the  average  individual,  we  must  either : 

1.  Demonstrate  that  these  important  non-ra- 
tional determinants  of  vocational  aptitude  and 
satisfaction  correlate  very,  very  closely  with  more 
strictly  intellectual  capacity;, 

2.  Postpone  the  entire  work  of  vocational  guid- 
ance in  these  cases,  on  the  basis  of  psychological 
examination,  until  that  distant  day  when  these 
characteristics  can  be  approached  by  means  of 
scales  and  norms ;  or 

3.  Otherwise  guidance  must  rest,  as  it  now 
largely  does  in  democratic  communities,  on  the 
broad  knowledge  of  opportunity  afforded  by  in- 
dustrial and  pre-vocational  training,  the  encour- 
agement of  thorough  and  systematic  self-scrutiny, 
and  the  method  of  repeated  trials. 

The  first  of  these  alternatives  has  scarcely  been 
attempted;  the  second  will  probably  not  occur  in 
our  immediate  generation;  the  third  we  have  had 
always  with  us. 

It  is  important  to  note  that  the  employments 
here  referred  to  are  not  ^^ blind  alley''  occupations. 
They  all  offer  possibilities  of  promotion  and  ad- 
vancement which  in  the  main  are  so  open  to  com- 
petition that  the  individual  inevitably  tends  to 
reach  that  level  of  responsibility,  independence, 


DETERMINANTS  OF  APTITUDE        219 

opportunity  and  remuneration  which  his  total 
equipment  merits.  It  is  also  important  that  pro- 
motion or  advancement  by  no  means  implies  the 
continued  use  of  the  particular  traits  which  dis- 
tinguished the  individual  from  his  fellows  on  the 
lower  levels  of  achievement.  Thus  the  boy  who 
enters  business  as  a  responsible  clerk  may  often 
move  on  through  the  work  of  sales  management, 
buying,  general  promotion,  superintendency,  and 
ultimate  partnership.  The  capable  artisan  or  me- 
chanic may  proceed  from  the  work  of  general 
helper  to  that  of  special  expert  workman,  fore- 
man, superintendent,  inspector,  contractor,  and 
commissioner  of  public  works  or  postmaster  gen- 
eral. Marked  boyhood  propensities  for  wood- 
work indicate  neither  that  the  lad  is  capable  of 
moving  through  these  very  diverse  steps  of  pro- 
motion, nor,  on  the  other  hand,  that  he  must  for- 
ever remain  a  journeyman  or  an  expert  workman. 
Progress  in  these  vocations  does  not  then  imply, 
in  fact  almost  never  does  imply,  merely  increas- 
ing the  quantity  or  quality  of  the  work  at  which 
one  starts.  The  promotion  of  a  teacher  is  often 
from  teaching  and  disciplining  classes  satisfacto- 
rily, to  clerical  assistance  in  the  principaPs  office, 
the  principalship,  general  school  superintendence, 
administrative  counselling  and  public  lecturing, 


220  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

or  the  college  or  national  presidency.  The  case  of 
the  teacher  of  biology  who  becomes  the  principal 
of  a  commercial  high  school  is  not  at  all  unprece- 
dented. For  occupations  of  this  character  and  for 
this  main  group  of  average  individuals  it  is  in- 
deed hopeless  to  seek  for  vocational  psychographs. 
It  is  here  if  anywhere  that  the  general  principle 
holds  that  one  who  does  anything  well  could  have 
done  almost  anything  else  well  if  he  had  cared  to 
try.  But  the  degree  to  which  one  cares  is  not 
measured  by  reaction  time  or  cancellation  tests. 
The  question  of  the  degree  to  which  ability  of  one 
sort  implies  ability  of  other  sorts  is  one  of  the 
several  matters  to  be  considered  in  a  later  chapter. 
This  fivefold  division  of  the  vocations  is  based 
on  the  degree  to  which  the  tasks  involved  require 
complete  and  normal  psychological  equipment. 
The  foregoing  consideration  of  these  five  main  oc- 
cupational groups  may  be  said  to  constitute  a  brief 
summary  of  the  present  outstanding  results  of  vo- 
cational psychology.  The  mentally  incompetent 
can  easily  be  discovered  at  an  early  age  by  the  use 
of  the  graded  intelligence  scales.  Their  subse- 
quent direction  into  forms  of  useful  work  appro- 
priate to  their  degree  of  defect  is  not  a  psycho- 
logical enterprise,  but,  rather,  a  civic  obligation 
and  industrial  economy.     The  apparently  small 


DETERMINANTS  OF  APTITUDE        221 

group  of  individuals  who  are  by  original  nature 
Mted  for  the  pursuit  of  work  involving  special  or 
unit  characters  will,  whether  otherwise  incompe- 
tent or  generally  capable,  commonly  demonstrate 
their  unique  abilities  without  the  application  of 
psychological  technique.  The  much  larger  group 
of  un specialized  workers,  requiring  rather  higher 
degrees  of  mental  competence,  may  be  chosen 
without  difficulty  with  the  aid  of  the  standard 
mental  scales  and  norms,  their  academic  records, 
and  the  judgments  of  their  associates.  These  may 
be  guided  into  such  tasks  as  involve  mainly  a  mod- 
erate degree  of  intellectual  capacity  and  make  no 
notable  demand  for  the  exercise  of  the  social  and 
moral  virtues.  The  vocational  psychology  of  the 
future  will  find  its  chief  problems  in  dealing  with 
the  numerous  and  permanent  tasks  requiring 
workers  who,  in  addition  to  their  varying  degrees 
of  strictly  intellectual  proficiency,  possess  par- 
ticular or  complete  instinctive,  emotional  and  voli- 
tional equipment,  and  who  are  amenable  to  those 
social  and  educational  agencies  which  seek  to  im- 
press upon  them  the  moral  virtues  of  their  com- 
munity and  age. 


CHAPTER  X 

THE  VOCATIONAL  APTITUDES  OF   WOMEN" 

By 

Leta  Stetter  Hollingworth,  Ph.  D. 

Bellevue  Hospital,  New  York  City 

It  is  customary  for  authors,  in  discussing  voca- 
tional problems,  to  assume  that  the  vocational  fu- 
ture of  girls  is  determined  in  advance  by  the  fact 
of  sex.  Not  infrequently  the  lack  of  provision 
for  domestic  training  in  our  high  schools  and  col- 
leges is  indicated  at  length,  and  suggestions  for 
establishing  the  domestic  arts  and  sciences  on  a 
firmer  basis  in  the  educational  system  are  ad- 
vanced. Some  paragraphs  may  be  devoted  to  a 
discussion  of  the  statistics  which  show  that  thou- 
sands of  girls  go  from  school  into  industry,  and 
to  an  inquiry  as  to  what  training  is  best  fitted  to 
assist  them  in  earning  a  living  for  the  period  in- 
tervening between  graduation  and  matrimony. 
With  this  the  discussion  of  vocational  problems 
ends,  so  far  as  girls  are  concerned,  and  the  re- 
maining space  is  given  over  to  more  adequate 

222 


VOCATIONAL  APTITUDES  OF  WOMEN     223 

consideration  of  the  vocational  aptitudes  and  guid- 
ance of  boys. 

It  is  the  purpose  of  this  chapter  to  inquire 
whether  there  are  any  innate  and  essential  sex 
differences  in  tastes  and  abilities,  which  would 
afford  a  scientific  basis  for  the  apparently  arbi- 
trary and  traditional  assumption  that  the  voca- 
tional future  of  all  girls  must  naturally  fall  in 
the  domestic  sphere,  and  consequently  presents 
no  problem,  while  the  future  of  boys  is  entirely 
problematical,  and  may  lie  in  any  one  of  a  score 
of  different  callings,  according  to  personal  fitness. 
We  shall  try  to  determine  whether  the  present 
expectation  that  all  women  will  follow  the  same 
vocation,  i.  e.,  housekeeping,  is  founded  on  any 
fact  or  facts  of  human  intellect,  or  whether  it 
arises  merely  from  ideas  of  traditional  expedi- 
ency connected  with  the  care  of  the  young,  and 
whether  it  leads  to  a  waste  of  energy  and  of  in- 
tellectual talents. 

The  discussion  will  take  the  form  of  five  general 
questions,  together  with  the  answers  which  are  to 
be  made  to  each  in  the  light  of  experimental  psy- 
chology: (1)  Are  there  innate  sex  differences  in 
average  intelligence?  (2)  Is  either  sex  more  vari- 
able than  the  other  in  mental  traits?  (3)  Are 
there  any  special  causes  of  intellectual  inefficiency 


£24  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

affecting  one  sex  but  not  the  other  1  (4)  Are  there 
any  sex  differences  in  affective  or  instinctive 
equipment  which  would  naturally  lead  to  voca- 
tional differentiation  of  the  sexes?  (5)  What  ex- 
planation is  to  be  given  of  the  traditional  division 
of  labor  between  the  sexes  1 

It  will  be  necessary  at  the  outset  to  draw  a  clear 
distinction  between  the  literature  of  opinion  and 
the  literature  of  fact.  The  literature  of  opinion 
includes  all  written  statements,  made  by  scientific 
men  and  others,  not  based  on  experimental  evi- 
dence. The  literature  of  opinion  on  the  subject  of 
sex  differences  in  mental  traits  is  voluminous.  It 
appears  in  the  writings  of  Nietzsche,  Schopen- 
hauer, Mill,  Mobius,  and  others.  By  the  literature 
of  fact  is  meant  those  written  statements  based 
on  experimental  data,  which  have  been  obtained 
under  carefully  controlled  conditions,  and  which 
may  be  verified  by  anyone  competent  to  under- 
stand and  criticize  them.  In  this  chapter  we  shall 
seek  the  answers  to  the  propounded  questions  in 
the  literature  of  fact  alone,  neglecting  as  irrele- 
vant to  the  discussion  the  entire  literature  of 
opinion. 

Since  the  discussion  is  limited  to  the  literature 
of  fact,  it  will  of  necessity  refer  only  to  literature 
of  a  comparatively  recent  date.    Until  about  fif- 


VOCATIONAL  APTITUDES  OF  WOMEN     S25 

teen  years  ago  there  had  been  practically  no  at- 
tempt to  collect  precise  data  on  the  subject  of  sex 
differences  in  mental  abilities.  Before  experi- 
mental data  were  sought  the  hypothesis  was  ac- 
cepted that  human  females  are,  by  original  nature, 
different  from  and  inferior  to  human  males,  in- 
tellectually. The  factor  of  sex  determined  every- 
thing; the  way  to  discover  whether  a  given  indi- 
vidual was  capable  of  any  given  intellectual  task 
was  not  to  let  the  individual  undertake  the  task 
and  to  judge  by  the  result,  but  to  indicate  the  sex 
of  the  person  in  question. 

Coincident  with  the  intense  controversy  which 
rose  in  the  nineteenth  century  over  the  higher  edu- 
cation of  women,  a  number  of  statistical  studies 
were  carried  on  by  the  questionnaire  method. 
These  were  followed  by  experimental  studies,  and 
at  the  opening  of  the  twentieth  century  several 
experiments  were  being  made  to  investigate  the 
matter  of  sex  differences  in  intellect.  About  this 
time  also  the  idea  began  to  gain  headway  that 
whatever  differences  exist  between  the  sexes  as 
we  find  them  in  the  world  may  be  due  to  training 
and  not  to  original  nature;  and  it  began  to  be 
pointed  out  that  this  aspect  of  the  matter  compli- 
cates even  experimental  investigation  in  ways  dif- 
ficult to  control. 


226  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

We  may  speak  here  of  the  experiments  on  brain 
weight  which  were  published  and  much  discussed 
abont  thirty  years  ago.  Komanes,  among  others, 
insisted  that  the  male  brain  was,  on  the  average, 
several  grams  heavier  than  the  female  brain,  and 
for  a  time  it  was  supposed  that  the  fact  of  innate 
female  inferiority  had  been  thus  satisfactorily 
established.  However,  it  was  later  demonstrated 
that  relative  to  total  body  weight  the  female  brain 
is  as  heavy  as  the  male  brain.  It  was  also  found 
that  no  positive  correlation  can  be  established  be- 
tween brain  weight  and  intellect. 

In  1906  Helen  Bradford  Thompson  published 
her  dissertation,  from  Chicago  University,  en- 
titled *'The  Mental  Traits  of  Sex.''  This  volume 
gives  a  summary  of  the  scattered  bits  of  experi- 
mental work  done  previous  to  that  time,  and  pre- 
sents her  numerous  experiments  on  a  group  of 
men  and  a  group  of  women  at  Chicago  University. 
The  result  of  her  tests  in  various  mental  traits  is 
that  the  differences  between  the  sexes  were  in  no 
case  as  great  as  the  individual  differences  within 
either  sex.  Men  differed  from  each  other  in  these 
experiments  (as  did  women  also,  among  them- 
selves), as  much  as  men  differed  from  women.  In 
only  two  of  the  many  traits  tested  was  a  reliable 
difference  found  between  the  central  tendencies  of 


VOCATIONAL  APTITUDES  OF  WOMEN     227 

the  sexes.  In  speed  of  voluntary  movement  (tap- 
ping) men  were  quicker  than  women,  and  in  mem- 
ory women  were  superior  to  men.  On  the  whole, 
however,  the  result  indicated  equality  of  mental 
ability  between  the  sexes.^  It  will  be  enough  for 
the  present  purposes  to  say  that  after  about 
twenty  years  of  collecting  data  by  scientific  experi- 
ment, the  hypothesis  that  there  is  any  innate  sex 
difference  in  average  intellectual  ability  has  been 
abandoned  by  all  psychologists  who  base  their 
statements  on  scientific  evidence.  For  example, 
Dr.  E.  L.  Thorndike,  in  the  most  recent  edition  of 
** Educational  Psychology"  (1914),  writes  as  fol- 
lows, in  summing  up  the  experimental  work  on 
sex  differences  in  average  intellectual  ability : 

**  The  most  important  characteristic  of  these  dif- 
ferences is  their  small  amount.  The  individual 
differences  within  either  sex  so  enormously  out- 
weigh any  difference  between  the  sexes  that  for 
all  practical  purposes  any  such  difference  may  be 
disregarded.  ...  As  is  well  known  the  experi- 
ments of  the  past  generation  in  educating  women 

*  There  was  published  in  the  October  (1914)  issue  of  the 
Psychological  Bulletin  a  summary  of  all  important  experi- 
mental work  done  on  sex  differences  in  recent  years.  Any 
reader  wishing  to  take  up  the  evidence  greatly  in  detail  will 
do  well  to  consult  all  of  the  references  there  given. 


528  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

have  shown  their  equal  competence  in  school  work 
of  elementary,  secondary  and  collegiate  grade. 
.  .  .  The  psychologist's  measurements  lead  to  the 
conclusion  that  this  equality  of  achievement  comes 
from  an  equality  of  natural  gifts,  not  from  an 
overstraining  of  the  lesser  talents  of  women.'' 

Thus  our  first  question,  Are  there  innate  sex 
differences  in  average  intelligence,  which  would 
call  for  differentiation  of  vocations  on  the  ground 
of  sex?  may  he  thus  answered:  So  far  as  the  lit- 
erature of  fact  tells  us,  we  know  of  no  considerable 
sex  ditferences  in  average  mental  ability.  The 
evidence  of  experimental  science  (and  on  this 
point  there  is  now  a  large  amount  of  evidence 
available)  shows  that  by  the  test  of  averages  the 
sexes  have  equal  ability  to  perform  mental  tasks. 

Our  second  question,  Is  there  a  sex  difference 
in  variability  in  mental  traits  which  would  call  for 
a  differentiation  of  vocation  on  the  ground  of 
sex?  has  not  been  so  long  nor  so  thoroughly  in- 
vestigated by  experimentalists  as  has  the  first 
question.  What  we  are  trying  to  discover  here 
is  whether,  when  tested  in  any  given  mental  trait, 
a  group  of  boys  will  differ  more  from  one  another 
than  will  a  group  of  girls  (similarly  selected  and 
equal  in  number)  differ  from  one  another.  In 
other  words,  are  the  members  of  one  sex  very 


VOCATIONAL  APTITUDES  OF  WOMEN     229 

mucli  alike  in  tastes,  interests  and  abilities,  while 
the  members  of  the  other  sex  differ  over  a  wide 
range  of  tastes,  interests  and  abilities  1  Obviously 
this  might  be  the  case,  though  the  two  groups 
yielded  an  average  exactly  the  same  in  such  traits. 
The  answer  to  this  second  question  will  be  of  de- 
cided significance  for  vocational  guidance.  For 
example,  if  it  were  shown  by  experimental  data 
that  human  females  are,  by  original  nature,*rather 
closely  alike,  whereas  human  males  differ  from 
one  another  by  wide  extremes,  we  should  have 
scientific  grounds  for  concluding  that  social  jus- 
tice aud  social  economy  are  well  served  by  the 
present  policy  of  guiding  all  females  into  a  single 
occupation,  while  males  are  encouraged  to  enter 
the  greatest  possible  variety  of  callings. 

The  first  discussion  of  the  comparative  varia- 
bility of  the  sexes  was  broached  about  a  century 
ago  by  au  anatomist,  Meckel.  It  is  very  interest- 
ing (as  well  as  amusing),  in  view  of  subsequent 
ideas  about  variability,  to  note  what  Meckel  said. 
He  thought  the  human  female  to  be  more  variable 
than  the  human  male,  and  he  opined  that,  *^  since 
woman  is  the  inferior  animal  and  variability  is  a 
sign  of  inferiority, ' '  the  conclusion  was  justified ! 
Fifty  years  later,  when  Darwin  put  a  different 
face  upon  variability,  showing  it  to  be  an  advan- 


^30  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

tage  and  a  characteristic  affording  the  greatest 
hope  for  progress,  the  greater  variability  of  the 
male  began  to  be  affirmed  everywhere  in  the  lit- 
erature of  opinion.  Karl  Pearson  alone  took  issue 
with  this  view,  which  was  current  in  the  nineteenth 
century  and  is  still  widely  credited,  and  pointed 
out  that  there  existed  as  yet  no  literature  of  fact 
regarding  comparative  variability  (though  men 
of  science  had  not  on  this  account  restrained  them- 
selves from  uttering  the  most  positive  statements 
concerning  it).  Pearson  thereupon  actually  gath- 
ered and  computed  hundreds  of  measurements  of 
human  beings,  and  presented  his  results  in  1897, 
in  a  comprehensive  article  entitled  ^^  Variation  in 
Man  and  Woman. ' '  He  clearly  demonstrated  that 
there  is,  in  fact,  no  indication  of  greater  male  vari- 
ability, when  actual  anatomical  measurements  of 
adult  human  beings  are  treated  with  mathematical 
insight.  Immediately  Havelock  Ellis,  whose  opin- 
ions were  chiefly  affected  by  Pearson's  article,  re- 
plied that  when  adults  are  made  the  subject  of  in- 
vestigation, no  information  is  gained  regarding 
the  matter  of  inherent  or  original  differences  in 
variability.  Since  birth,  life  and  death,  on  account 
of  social  customs,  etc.,  affect  the  sexes  unequally, 
no  one  can  say,  in  the  case  of  adults,  how  much 
may  be  due  to  environment  and  how  much  to  orig- 


VOCATIONAL  APTITUDES  OF  WOMEN     231 

inal  nature.  If  Ellis  had  thought  of  this  criticism 
before  he  wrote  his  own  book,  **Man  and 
Woman,"  his  chapter  on  ^^The  Variational  Ten- 
dency of  Men"  would  certainly  not  have  been  pub- 
lished. However,  his  criticism  of  Pearson's  ma- 
terial is  no  less  just  because  he  failed  to  apply  it 
in  his  OAvn  case.  It  is  true  that  measurements  of 
adults  do  not  tell  us  what  might  be  the  case  with 
infants,  who  have  not  yet  been  subjected  to  the 
formative  and  selective  influences  of  environment 
and  training.  Yet  Pearson's  article  remained 
practically  the  only  literature  of  fact  regarding 
the  comparative  anatomical  variability  of  the 
sexes  until  the  year  1914.  In  1914  Montague  and 
Hollingworth  published  in  the  American  Journal 
of  Sociology  an  article  setting  forth  in  full  the 
measurements  of  two  thousand  new-bom  infants, 
one  thousand  of  each  sex.  The  statistical  result 
shows  no  difference  whatever  in  variability  be- 
tween the  sexes. 

It  may  seem  irrelevant  to  dwell  upon  anatomical 
data,  when  the  purpose  of  this  chapter  is  to  deal 
with  mental  aptitudes.  The  pertinence  of  the  data 
cited,  however,  lies  in  the  fact  that  if  any  sex  dif- 
ference in  physical  variability  could  be  estab- 
lished, this  would  suggest  (though  it  would  not 
prove)  the  existence  of  a  sex  difference  in  mental 


232  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

variability  also.  No  experimental  studies  have 
ever  been  made  for  the  express  purpose  of  deter- 
mining whether  there  exist  sex  differences  in  men- 
tal variability.  Such  scattered  data  as  we  possess 
have  come  incidentally  from  studies  made  with 
some  othdt  chief  purpose  in  view.  Such  data  were 
collected  and  summarized  in  the  American  Journal 
of  Sociology  for  January,  1914.  There  was  at 
that  time  very  little  evidence  that  could  be  cited 
on  this  subject,  but  such  as  there  was  gave  no 
ground  for  maintaining  the  existence  of  any  sex 
difference  in  variability.  Since  1914  Trabue's  ex- 
periments, with  ^'completion  tests,"  performed  on 
about  1,300  school  children,  have  been  published; 
the  Courtis  arithmetic  tests  on  several  thousands 
of  school  children  in  New  York  have  been  made 
public;  Terman  has  tested  1,000  unselected  chil- 
dren by  the  Binet-Simon  tests ;  and  Pyle  has  un- 
dertaken his  study  in  the  measurement  of  school 
children.  The  evidence  from  these  extensive  ex- 
periments is  in  all  cases  that  there  is  no  sex  dif- 
ference in  mental  variability,  as  thus  measured. 
It  is  necessary  also  for  the  reader  to  bear  in 
mind  that  there  is  as  yet  much  controversy  among 
those  best  equipped  to  understand  the  problems 
of  variation,  as  to  the  proper  methods  of  meas- 
uring comparative  variability.    The  mathematical 


VOCATIONAL  APTITUDES  OF  WOMEN     233 

considerations  involved  need  not  be  rehearsed 
here.  But  until  it  has  been  definitely  determined 
just  how  comparative  variability  can  be  scientifi- 
cally measured,  it  would  seem  premature  to  make 
any  final  statement  as  to  sex  differences  in  this 
respect. 

We  can  therefore  answer  our  second  question 
thus :  There  is  little  or  no  agreement  among  those 
best  qualified  to  speak,  as  to  what  constitutes  the 
scientific  method  of  measuring  comparative  vari- 
ability. But  according  to  the  methods  now  deemed 
the  most  reliable,  and  according  to  those  studies 
wherein  presumably  correct  methods  of  measure- 
ment have  been  employed,  there  is  no  reason  to 
suppose  that  there  is  any  sex  difference  in  varia- 
bility, so  far  as  the  numerous  traits  tested  are  con- 
cerned. There  has  never  been  an  experimental 
study  made  in  which  the  sampling  from  both  sexes 
was  large,  random,  equal,  and  from  groups  of 
equal  homogeneity  socially  and  racially,  that 
showed  any  reliable  sex  difference  in  variability. 
If  we  adhere  to  the  literature  of  fact,  we  must 
conclude  that,  so  far  as  we  know,  human  females 
differ  from  each  other  as  much  as  do  human  males 
in  abilities  and  aptitudes. 

We  now  come  to  the  inquiry  as  to  whether  there 
are  any  special  causes  of  intellectual  inefficiency 


234.  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

which  affect  one  sex  but  not  the  other.  Under  this 
topic  we  may  consider  the  periodic  function,  which 
characterizes  girls  and  women,  hut  which  does  not 
characterize  boys  and  men.  This  periodic  func- 
tion has  always  been  the  object  of  superstition  and 
taboo,  and  is  such  even  among  the  civilized  peoples 
of  today.  The  literature  of  opinion  is  replete  with 
references  to  it  as  a  source  of  intellectual  weak- 
T^ess  and  irresponsibility.  We  may  let  Frederick 
Harrison  speak  for  a  large  group  of  writers  on 
this  point : 

^^  Supposing  all  other  forces  equal,  it  is  just  the 
percentage  of  periodical  unfitness  which  makes  the 
whole  difference  between  the  working  capacity  of 
the  sexes.  It  is  owing  to  a  very  natural  shrinking 
from  hard  facts,  and  a  somewhat  misplaced  con- 
ventionality that  this  fundamental  point  has  been 
kept  out  of  sight.'' 

The  Kterature  of  opinion  abounds  in  different 
notions,  inconsistencies,  and  contradictory  in- 
stances in  the  matter  of  the  periodic  function,  and 
its  alleged  enormous  influence  on  the  intellectual 
and  vocational  life  of  women.  Much  of  the  oppo- 
sition to  the  education  of  women  was  based  on  it, 
and  it  has  even  been  exploited  as  a  good  reason 
why  political  freedom  should  be  denied  to  women. 
It  is  positively  stated  that  women  are  on  this  ao- 


VOCATIONAL  APTITUDES  OF  WOMEN     235 

count  unfitted  to  pursue  professional  and  com- 
mercial life;  yet  it  is  not  proposed  that  cooks, 
scrub  women,  mothers,  nursemaids,  housekeepers 
or  dancers  should  be  periodically  relieved  from 
their  labors  and  responsibilities. 

There  is  almost  no  literature  of  fact  concerning 
the  periodic  function  as  related  to  the  mental  abili- 
ties of  women.  No  e:ffort  had  ever  been  made  to 
subject  this  matter  to  study  by  instruments  and 
methods  of  precision  until  very  recently.  Psy- 
chologists, while  often  stating  the  influence  of 
periodicity  on  mental  life  to  be  fundamental  and 
characteristic,  entirely  neglected  to  consider  it 
when  performing  experiments  on  women  subjects. 
In  1909  Yoitsecovsky,  at  Petrograd,  performed  an 
experiment  on  six  women  by  means  of  instruments 
of  precision.  He  thought  he  found  a  positive  re- 
sult and  that  there  was  shown  to  be  an  actual  in- 
fluence of  periodicity  on  certain  mental  functions. 
His  conclusions  are,  however,  largely  invalidated 
by  the  fact  that  all  his  subjects  knew  the  purpose 
of  the  experiment,  and  by  the  fact  that  he  neg- 
lected to  use,  as  a  control,  human  beings  not  sub- 
ject to  the  phenomenon  in  question.  He  also  neg- 
lected to  present  his  data  in  full,  so  that  the  relia- 
bility of  his  conclusions  might  be  calculated. 

Two  studies  of  this  phenomenon  appeared  in 


236  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

1914.  The  first  was  a  study  by  Dr.  A.  E.  Arnold, 
as  to  the  effect  of  school  work  on  the  periodic  func- 
tion, and  this  is  reported  in  the  January  number 
of  the  Ajyierican  Physical  Education  Review. 
This  investigator  suspected,  from  his  experience 
as  a  physician  and  teacher,  ^  ^  that  much  of  the  in- 
capacity claimed  was  fictitious,"  and  he  deter- 
mined, as  an  experiment,  to  institute  a  regime 
whereby  no  student  under  his  supervision  would 
be  excused  periodically  from  mental  or  physical 
duties,  except  in  cases  where  some  pathological 
condition  existed.  In  summing  up  the  data  he 
says :  ^ '  So  far  our  results  show  all  improvement 
[in  the  health  of  students].'' 

The  second  study,  which  appeared  in  1914,  was 
by  the  present  writer.  She  made  a  prolonged  and 
careful  experimental  study  of  twenty-three  women 
(using  as  a  control  the  records  of  men  subjects), 
and  failed  to  demonstrate  any  influence  of  period- 
icity on  those  mental  abilities  which  she  tested. 
These  included  speed  and  accuracy  of  perception, 
controlled  association,  steadiness,  speed  of  volun- 
tary movement,  fatigability,  and  rate  of  learning. 

A  great  amount  of  scientific  work  remains  to  be 
done  before  any  final  answer  of  any  kind  can  be 
given  to  the  question.  Does  functional  periodicity 
exercise  a  fundamental  and  characteristic  influ- 


VOCATIONAL  APTITUDES  OF  WOMEN     23T 

ence  on  the  intellectual  abilities  of  women?  We 
must  answer  our  third  question  in  this  way :  There 
is  very  little  experimental  evidence  on  which  to 
base  a  reply,  but  the  few  data  which  we  do  pos- 
sess show  no  influence,  either  detrimental  or  bene- 
ficial. 

Our  fourth  inquiry  is  this :  Are  there  any  innate 
sex  differences  in  affective  or  instinctive  equip- 
ment that  would  naturally  lead  to  a  vocational  dif- 
ferentiation of  the  sexes  ?  Here  we  must  acknowl- 
edge ourselves  to  be  entirely  without  a  literature 
of  fact.  The  literature  of  opinion  is  very  exten- 
sive on  the  subject,  and  it  would  be  an  interesting 
and  no  doubt  an  instructive  task  to  collect  and 
summarize  the  various  and  conflicting  opinions  of 
men  as  to  the  affective  and  instinctive  differences 
between  the  sexes.  Men  and  women  as  we  see 
them  in  the  world  do  differ  in  affective  behavior, 
but  no  one  can  say  whether  these  differences  in 
behavior  are  original  or  acquired.  There  are  dif- 
ferent conventional  standards  of  emotional  be- 
havior for  men  and  for  women,  but  no  one  would 
be  justified  in  saying  that  such  standards  arose 
from  inherent  affective  differences  between  the 
sexes.  The  very  variety  that  characterizes  the 
statements  on  this  subject  constitutes  proof  of  the 
ignorance  of  mankind  in  regard  to  it. 


2S8  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

Since  exact  data  are  entirely  lacking,  the  discus- 
sion of  tliis  last  question  need  not  detain  us.  We 
may,  however,  glance  at  one  instinct  which  has 
repeatedly  been  stated  to  characterize  women,  and 
to  constitute  in  itself  a  natural  justification  for 
differentiating  the  sexes  vocationally.  This  is  the 
^  ^  maternal  instinct. ' '  Since  the  period  of  helpless 
infancy  is  very  prolonged  in  the  human  animal, 
and  since  the  care  of  infants  is  an  exacting  and 
onerous  labor,  it  would  be  natural  for  those  who 
are  not  biologically  attached  to  infants,  to  use  all 
means  at  their  disposal  to  fasten  the  whole  bur- 
den of  infant-tending  upon  those  who  are  orig- 
inally so  attached.  We  should  expect  this  to  hap- 
pen, and  it  does  happen.  There  has  been  a  continu- 
ous social  effort  to  establish  as  a  norm  the  woman 
whose  vocational  proclivities  are  completely  and 
'^naturally"  satisfied  by  child-bearing  and  child- 
rearing. 

In  the  absence  of  all  data,  it  would  seem  most 
reasonable  to  suppose  that  if  it  were  possible  to 
obtain  a  quantitative  measurement  of  '^maternal 
instinct,''  we  should  find  this  trait  distributed 
among  women  just  as  we  have  found  all  other 
traits  distributed,  which  have  yielded  to  quantita- 
tive measurement.  It  is  most  reasonable  to  as- 
sume that  we  should  obtain  a  curve  of  distribution, 


VOCATIONAL  APTITUDES  OF  WOMEN     239 

varying  from  an  extreme  where  individuals  have  a 
zero  or  negative  interest  in  the  care  of  infants, 
through  a  mode  where  there  is  a  moderate  amount 
of  impulse  to  tend  infants,  to  a  second  extreme 
where  the  only  vocational  interest  lies  in  such  ac- 
tivity. The  bearing  and  rearing  of  children  is 
in  many  respects  analogous  to  the  work  of  sol- 
diers. It  is  necessary  to  national  existence,  it 
means  great  sacrifice  of  personal  advantage,  and 
it  involves  suffering  and  danger,  and,  in  a  certain 
percentage  of  cases,  the  actual  loss  of  life.  Thus, 
as  in  the  case  of  soldiers,  every  effort  is  and  must 
be  made  to  establish  as  a  norm  the  extreme  end 
of  the  distribution  curve,  where  there  is  an  all- 
consuming  interest  in  patriotism,  in  the  one  case, 
and  in  motherhood  in  the  other.  In  the  absence 
of  all  scientific  data,  we  should,  therefore,  guard 
against  accepting  as  an  established  fact  about  hu- 
man nature  a  doctrine  that  we  might  expect  to  find 
in  use  as  a  means  of  social  control.  It  is  also  fit- 
ting to  raise  the  question  as  to  just  what  is  meant 
by  the  term,  *^  maternal  instinct. '^  Does  it  mean 
desire  for  offspring  which  are  as  yet  non-existent! 
Does  it  mean  only  the  tendency  to  care  for  help- 
less offspring  after  they  are  actually  in  existence? 
Does  it  mean  an  interest  in  children  as  such,  re- 
gardless of  their  origin?    Or  does  it  consist  in  a 


240  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

mingling  of  all  these  elements  ?  Above  all,  does  it 
involve,  as  an  essential  element,  an  interest  in 
waiting  personally  upon  infants'?  One  certainly 
gains  the  impression  from  a  perusal  of  the  exten- 
sive literature  of  opinion  that  to  most  persons  the 
term  is  quite  unanalyzed,  and  that  it  calls  for 
analysis. 

We  have  now  considered  four  of  our  inquiries 
in  the  light  of  experimental  evidence.  We  have 
discovered  that  a  great  amount  of  work  remains 
to  be  done  before  we  can  answer  most  of  them 
conclusively,  and  that  to  one  question,  at  least,  no 
answer  at  all  can  be  given  from  the  literature  of 
fact.  We  can  only  say  that,  so  far,  scientific  ex- 
periment has  revealed  no  sex  differences  in  the 
original  nature  of  intellect  that  would  imply  a 
necessary  differentiation  of  vocations  on  the 
ground  of  sex.  There  exist  no  scientific  data  to 
show  (1)  differences  in  average  intellect;  (2)  dif- 
ferences in  mental  variability;  (3)  special  causes 
of  intellectual  inefficiency  affecting  one  sex  but  not 
the  other;  (4)  differences  in  affective  or  instinc- 
tive equipment,  implying  a  *^ natural'^  division  of 
labor. 

The  division  of  labor  between  the  sexes, 
which  has  existed  through  historic  times  and  still 
persists,  originated,  so  far  as  we  know,  in  physio- 


VOCATIONAL  APTITUDES  OF  WOMEN     Ml 

logical,  not  in  psychological  differences.  The  mo- 
mentous physiological  fact  that  women  bear  and 
nourish  infants  and  men  do  not,  is  the  great  pri- 
mary sex  difference  on  which  our  economic  and  vo- 
cational organization  has  been  built  up.  It  might 
be  supposed  that  natural  selection  would  have 
evolved  an  intellectual  (or  unintellectual)  type  in 
women,  which  could  find  its  complete  natural  sat- 
isfaction in  the  vocation  of  child-bearing  and 
child-rearing.  But  such  a  selection  could  take 
place  only  if  mental  traits  were  sex-limited  in  in- 
heritance, or  existed  as  secondary  sex  characteris- 
tics. No  mental  trait  has  ever  been  proved  to  be 
sex-limited  in  inheritance,  or  to  exist  as  a  second- 
ary sex  character.  So  far  as  we  know,  daughters 
inherit  mental  traits  from  fathers  as  well  as  from 
mothers,  and  sons  inherit  them  from  mothers  as 
well  as  from  fathers.  Under  such  circumstances 
the  law  of  natural  selection  can  never  become  op- 
erative to  solve  the  vocational  problems  of  women. 
The  fact  that  women  have  not  in  the  past 
equaled  men  in  *  ^philosophy,  science,  art,  inven- 
tion and  management''  is  frequently  adduced  as 
evidence  of  their  innate  unfitness  for  pursuits 
other  than  the  domestic.  From  such  evidence, 
however,  we  glean  in  reality  no  information  what- 
ever about  the  vocational  aptitudes  of  women. 


242  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

We  should  not  expect  any  notable  acliievement  by 
women  in  the  fields  mentioned  above,  for  the  fol- 
lowing reasons.  Women  must  bear  and  nourish 
infants,  and  men  cannot.  The  period  of  gestation 
and  the  period  of  infancy  are  very  protracted  in 
the  human  species,  together  covering,  for  each  in- 
fant reared,  about  six  years.  Until  very  recently 
no  scientific  methods  of  controlling  procreation 
have  been  generally  known  or  utilized.  Thus 
women  have  borne  great  numbers  of  infants,  all 
their  youth  and  maturity  being  consumed  by  bear- 
ing and  rearing  young.  The  small  minority  of 
women  whose  lives  happened  not  to  be  so  con- 
sumed would  be  very  unlikely  to  make  any  contri- 
butions in  extra-domestic  vocational  achievement 
for  two  reasons.  In  the  first  place,  all  women 
were  expected  to  mate  and  thus  to  procreate  and 
rear  offspring,  and  no  provision  was  made  by  so- 
ciety for  their  training  in  lines  other  than  those 
they  would  be  expected  to  use.  In  the  second  place, 
those  women  who  did  not  meet  the  common  fate 
failed  to  do  so  for  some  special  reason,  such  as 
ill  health,  mental  disease,  or  the  necessity  of  car- 
ing for  decrepit  relatives.  The  very  causes  of 
their  celibacy  would  operate  also  against  any  vo- 
cational achievement  on  their  part. 
In  the  irrational  trial  and  error  method  by 


VOCATIONAL  APTITUDES  OF  WOMEN     24S 

>whicli  our  liuman  uistitutions  have  been  developed, 
the  logical  expectation  would  be  that  the  great 
physiological  sex  difference  in  reproductive  func- 
tion would  probably  influence  vocational  activities 
just  as  it  has  done.  We  find  in  the  traditional  di- 
vision of  labor  between  the  sexes  exactly  what  we 
should  expect  to  find,  even  though  there  were  an 
identity  of  intellectual  abilities  and  interests.  It 
seems  both  psychologically  and  socially  desirable 
that  the  one  incontestable  conditioning  factor  in 
the  vocational  differentiation  of  men  and  women 
be  raised  clearly  to  consciousness,  rather  than 
submerged,  as  in  the  past,  by  an  elaborate  system 
of  defense  mechanisms  and  traditional  devices  of 
social  control.  It  would  be  going  afield  from  the 
immediate  purpose  of  this  chapter  to  offer  con- 
structive suggestions  for  such  changes  in  economic 
and  domestic  management  as  might  be  necessary 
to  overcome  this  conditioning  factor,  and  thus  to 
give  free  vocational  opportunity  to  both  sexes 
alike.  To  effect  these  changes  in  such  a  way  that 
the  maximum  social  betterment  may  be  achieved 
thereby  will  be  a  task  not  simple  but  complex.  It 
will  call  for  the  best  thought  and  the  most  en- 
lightened effort  of  which  we  are  capable,  and  wiU 
be  accomplished  only  with  the  passing  of  years 
and  decades. 


244  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

The  essential  thing  at  present  is  to  know 
whether  any  basis  for  future  action  may  now  be 
found  in  the  established  facts  of  human  nature. 
In  the  present  state  of  scientific  knowledge  it 
would  be  as  dogmatic  (and  therefore  as  undesir- 
able) to  state  that  significant  sex  differences  in  in- 
tellect do  not  exist,  as  to  state  that  such  differ- 
ences do  exist.  All  we  can  say  is  that  up  to  the 
present  time  experimental  psychology  has  dis- 
closed no  sex  differences  in  mental  traits  which 
would  imply  a  division  of  labor  on  psychological 
grounds.  The  social  gain  would  be  very  gTeat  if 
the  public  could  be  brought  to  recognize  intelK- 
gently  that  to  many  of  the  questions  regarding  the 
vocational  aptitudes  of  women  no  definite  answers- 
can  at  present  be  given,  because  the  necessary 
data  for  the  formulation  of  answers  have  never 
been  collected.  So  far  as  is  at  present  known, 
women  are  as  competent  intellectually  as  men  are, 
to  undertake  any  and  all  human  vocations. 


CHAPTER   XI 

THEORY  AND  PRINCIPLE   OF   PSYCHOLOGICAL  TESTS  AS 
APPLIED   TO    VOCATIONAL  ANALYSIS 

The  more  general  questions  of  the  theory  of 
tests,  their  selection,  evaluation,  and  technique  of 
application  and  record,  need  not  be  considered 
here.  The  reader  unfamiliar  with  these  matters 
will  find  them  fully  treated  in  the  various  standard 
manuals  of  tests,  and  in  numerous  special  articles 
and  monographs  referred  to  in  the  bibliography 

There  are,  however,  certain  particular  aspects 
of  the  theory  and  use  of  mental  tests  which  have 
special  importance  for  vocational  psychology. 
These  are: 

1.  The  question  of  the  degree  to  which  profi- 
ciency in  one  respect  or  ability  or  test  implies  pro- 
ficiency in  others. 

2.  The  degree  to  which  these  intercorrelations 
are  revealed  by  preliminary  trials  and  modified 
by  continued  practice. 

3.  The  question  of  the  significance  of  prelimi- 
nary trials  in  revealing  the  relative  abilities  of 
individuals  as  these  would  be  sho^vTi  after  all  the 

245 


^m  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

individuals  had  acquired  their  maximum  skill  or 
practice  level  of  proficiency;  that  is,  the  relation 
between  momentary  capacity  and  ultimate  achieve- 
ment. 

Attempts  to  intercorrelate  mental  or  motor 
abilities  as  measured  by  laboratory  tests  have 
usually  produced  more  or  less  irregular  re- 
sults. Some  of  the  coefficients  have  been  positive, 
some  negative,  but  in  only  a  few  cases  have  many 
of  them  been  large  when  the  individuals  tested 
have  been  chosen  at  random  or  with  no  deliberate 
intention  of  measuring  only  the  extremes  of  the 
curve  of  distribution.  Thus  in  a  recent  report  of 
the  correlations  of  abilities  among  several  hun- 
dred adult  individuals  it  is  remarked  that  a  cer- 
tain test  for  logical  memory  is  ^^one  of  the  very 
best  tests,''  partly  because  of  ^4ts  high  correla- 
tion with  other  tests''  (an  average  correlation  of 
.29). 

Two  reasons  are  largely  responsible  for  these 
low  coefficients.  The  first  is  the  fact  that  the 
measures  correlated  have  usually  been  initial 
trials,  or  at  most  averages  of  a  very  few  trials. 
This  means  great  individual  variabiHty  and  con- 
siderable consequent  unreliability  of  the  data.  A 
more  important  factor,  perhaps,  is  the  fact  that 
these  preliminary  trials  do  not  necessarily  repre- 


PSYCHOLOGY  AND  ANALYSIS  247 

sent  the  final  capacities  of  the  individuals.  They 
are  determined  by  a  host  of  incidental  or  acciden- 
tal influences  and  reveal  only  momentary  ability, 
not  ultimate  capacity.  There  is  every  reason  for 
expecting  to  find  positive  correlation  of  *^  desir- 
able ' '  traits,  and  we  may  well  expect  to  find  this  in- 
creasingly true  the  more  our  measures  test  the 
final  limits  of  capacity  in  the  various  tests.  In 
other  words,  the  only  real  correction  for  unreK- 
able  measures  is  to  be  made  by  continuing  the  test 
until  the  individual  has  reached  the  limit  of  prac- 
tice in  it. 

Only  occasional  attempts  have  been  made  to  de- 
termine the  influence  of  practice  on  the  correlation 
of  abilities,  and  those  that  have  been  reported 
have  been  based  on  so  few  practice  trials  that  no 
review  of  them  need  be  given.  In  the  present 
chapter  I  shall  present  the  results  of  an  experi- 
ment in.  which  a  group  of  observers  were  repeat- 
edly tested  until  in  each  test  a  practice  limit  was 
approximated,  a  limit  which,  in  most  cases,  one 
hundred  further  trials  failed  to  improve.  The 
results  have  a  real  interest  for  vocational  psy- 
chology. 

The  experiment  consisted  in  putting  each  of 
thirteen  individuals  through  205  repetitions  of 
seven  different  mental  tests.    The  trials  were  con- 


g48  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

trolled  as  thoroughly  as  possible  with  respect  to 
such  factors  as  interim  occupation,  exercise,  food, 
rotation  of  tests,  temperature,  illumination,  and 
incentive  and  interest.  The  subjects,  four  women 
and  nine  men,  ranging  from  eighteen  to  thirty- 
nine  years  in  age,  were  mature,  zealous,  and  faith- 
ful. Competition  was  stimulated  by  the  award 
of  desirable  prizes,  and  each  worker  received  a 
daily  wage.  Eecords  were  announced  to  the  sub- 
jects only  after  each  thirty-five  trials.  So  far  as 
previous  practice  in  these  particular  tests  is  con- 
cerned, all  the  subjects  were  naive.  Five  trials 
were  made  daily,  these  trials  being  distributed 
through  the  day  at  about  two-hour  intervals.  The 
tests  themselves  occupied  about  forty  minutes  at 
each  sitting. 

The  tests  used  were  the  following  familiar  lab- 
oratory forms : 

1.  Adding.  Adding  seventeen  mentally  to  each 
of  fifty  two-place  numbers  and  reciting  aloud  the 
correct  answer.  Order  of  numbers  random  at  each 
trial.  Eecord  with  stop  watch,  time  required  for 
perfect  score. 

2.  Naming  Opposites.  Correctly  naming  oppo- 
sites  of  each  of  fifty  adjectives  which  occurred 
each  time  in  random  order.  Eecord,  time  required 
for  a  perfect  score. 


PSYCHOLOGY  AND  ANALYSIS  249 

3.  Color  Naming.  The  Columbia  laboratory 
form  of  this  test,  with  ten  repetitions  of  each  of 
twelve  colors.  Position  of  card  changed  at  each 
trial.    Record,  time  required  for  perfect  score. 

4.  Discrimination  Reaction.  Discriminating  be- 
tween red  and  blue,  and  reacting  correctly  with 
appropriate  hand.  Record,  average  time,  in 
Sigma,  and  number  of  false  reactions. 

5.  Cancellation.  Crossing  out  digits  from  the 
Woodworth-Wells  form  of  this  test.  Record,  time 
required  for  75  correct  cancellations  of  equally 
difficult  digits. 

6.  Coordination.  The  familiar  three-hole  test, 
for  accuracy  of  aim.  Record,  time  required  for 
one  hundred  correct  strokes. 

7.  Tapping.  Executing  four  hundred  taps  at 
maximal  speed,  with  hand  stylus,  right  hand,  el- 
bow support.    Record,  time  required. 

Each  test  has  been  correlated  ^  with  all  the  re- 
maining tests  at  various  points  in  the  curve  of 
practice.  Correlations  were  made  at  each  of  the 
following  points : 

1.  Preliminary  trial designated      1st  trial 

2.  Median  of  first  5  trials designated      5th  trial 

3j     Median  of  trials  20  to  25 designated    25th  trial 

4.  Median  of  trials  75  to  80 designated    80th  trial 

5.  Median  of  trials  200  to  205 designated  205th  trial 

^  For  explanation  of  the  technique  and  meaning  of  correla- 
tion see  the  footnote  on  p.  45. 


250 


VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 


At  each  of  these  points  tlie  thirteen  individuals 
were  arranged  in  an  order  of  relative  ability  for 
each  of  the  tests,  and  these  orders  were  correlated 
with  each  other.  Table  23  gives,  for  each  test, 
at  each  point,  the  average  correlation  with  all  the 
other  tests,  and  also  the  grand  average  correla- 
tions of  all  tests. 


TABLE  23 

Showing  the  Average  Correlation  op  Each  Test  with 'All 
Others,  at  Various  Points  in  the  Curve  of  Practice 


Trial 

Add- 

Oppo- 

Color 

Discrim- 

Coordi- 

Tap- 

Final 

ing 

sites 

Naming 

ination 

nation 

ping 

Average 

1.... 

.19 

.10 

.15 

—  .07 

—  .15 

.17 

.065 

5.... 

.41 

.26 

.15 

.35 

.21 

.32 

.280 

25.... 

.50 

.35 

.43 

.27 

.03 

.35 

.320 

80.... 

.55 

.43 

.53 

.31 

.18 

.34 

.390 

205.... 

.48 

.62 

.61 

.35 

.34 

.52 

.490 

Except  in  the  case  of  discrimination  the  effect 
of  practice  is  to  increase  to  a  marked  degree  the 
intercorrelations  of  the  various  tests.  Adding  in- 
creases steadily  up  to  the  eightieth  trial.  Oppo- 
sites  and  color  naming  gain  even  more  steadily  to 
the  very  end  of  the  experiment,  the  increase  in  the 
coefficients  being  four  to  six  fold.  Tapping  in- 
creases more  slowly  but  no  less  certainly.  In  co- 
ordination the  increase  is  very  irregular,  but  the 
coefficients  show,  on  the  whole,  a  change  from  — .15 


PSYCHOLOGY  AND  ANALYSIS  251 

at  the  first  trial  to  .34  at  the  finish.  Only  in  the 
case  of  discrimination  is  there  failure  to  increase 
after  the  fifth  trial.  In  no  case,  after  the  prelimi- 
nary trial,  is  there  a  negative  coefficient  among 
the  average  correlations,  and  indeed  in  only  one 
case  is  there  a  coefficient  smaller  than  .15.  The 
final  averages  show  steady  increase  from  .065  at 
the  preliminary  to  .28  at  the  fifth,  .32  at  the  twen- 
ty-fifth, .39  at  the  eightieth,  and  .49  at  the  two- 
hundred-and-fifth  trials.  With  practice,  then,  the 
average  correlations  of  all  tests  become  positive, 
and  the  coefficients  become  greater  the  longer  the 
practice  is  continued. 

In  producing  this  increase  in  the  intercorrela- 
tion  of  specific  abilities  through  the  medium  of 
practice,  at  least  three  different  factors  probably 
cooperate.  These  factors  have  not  an  equal  sig- 
nificance for  vocational  psychology  and  its  inter- 
ests in  tests. 

One  of  the  least  important  of  these  factors  is 
the  variability  of  individual  performance.  In  the 
beginning  of  the  experiment  each  individual  is 
more  variable  than  at  later  points  in  the  curve. 
This  momentary  variability  need  not  be  supposed 
to  aif  ect  all  the  tests  in  the  same  way  nor  all  in- 
dividuals in  the  same  direction.  This  fact  may 
then  tend  somewhat  to  reduce  the  correlation  of 


252  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

the  preliminary  trials  and  may  in  some  cases  ma- 
terially affect  the  first  five  or  ten  trials.  Beyond 
the  twenty-fifth  trial  the  variability  in  these  tests 
is  much  reduced,  and  particularly  so  in  the  meas- 
ures here  used,  which  are  in  all  cases,  after  the 
preliminary  trial,  the  medians  of  five  successive 
trials. 

Another  factor  that  deserves  mention  is  the  pos- 
sibility of  change  in  the  character  of  the  tests 
themselves,  through  practice  with  them.  It  is 
quite  probable,  for  example,  that  the  oppo sites 
test  comes,  after  many  repetitions,  to  resemble 
more  and  more  that  type  of  process  or  function 
involved  in  color-naming.  The  responses  become 
more  and  more  intimately  associated  with  the 
stimulus  words,  the  suggested  responses  to  each 
word  become  more  and  more  limited  in  number 
and  in  most  cases  reduced  to  a  single  word  for 
each  stimulus.  This  state  of  affairs  is  true  of 
color-naming  at  the  very  beginning  of  the  experi- 
ment. As  the  order  of  the  stimulus  words  is 
changed  at  each  trial,  the  test  may  come  to  involve 
more  and  more  the  simple  task  of  giving  merely 
the  quickest  possible  association  of  the  right  re- 
sponse, and  the  overcoming  of  inhibitions  and  in- 
terferences of  a  more  or  less  general  sort,  with 
less  and  less  emphasis  on  the  element  of  selection. 


PSYCHOLOGY  AND  ANALYSIS         253 

Much  the  same  may  also  be  true  of  the  addition 
test.  It  is  in  these  three  tests  that  the  increase  in 
<5orrelation  is  most  marked,  and  the  actual  co- 
efficients highest  at  the  end  of  the  experiment. 
Careful  analysis  of  what  takes  place  as  one  im- 
proves in  these  simple  tests  would  no  doubt  yield 
interesting  material. 

But  these  two  factors — decrease  in  variability 
and  change  in  the  character  of  the  tests — seem  to 
be  far  from  sufficient  to  account  for  the  results. 
The  tapping  test  remains  much  the  same  type  of 
process  throughout,  the  only  apparent  modifica- 
tions consisting  of  slight  changes  in  method  and 
perhaps  some  gradual  changes  in  the  muscles. 
There  is  certainly  no  reason  for  suspecting  that 
tapping  and  opposites  or  tapping  and  discrimi- 
nation become,  as  tests,  more  alike  because  of  fre- 
quent repetition.  But  the  increase  in  correlation 
is  clear  in  both  these  cases.  Again,  it  is  well  estab- 
lished that  the  discrimination  reaction,  in  the  form 
here  used,  also  tends  to  become  reflex  through 
practice,  the  conscious  discrimination  coming 
only  after  the  correct  reaction  is  made.  These  ex- 
periments called  for  between  3,075  and  4,100  single 
discrimination  reactions  on  the  part  of  each  ob- 
server, which  would  afford  ample  time  for  such 
a  change  to  show  itself.    Mere  change  in  the  char- 


254  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

acter  of  the  test  would  then  lead  us  to  expect  color- 
naming,  opposites,  and  adding  to  come  more  and 
more  to  resemble  discrimination  reaction.  But 
they  do  not,  if  the  coefficients  may  be  taken  as  evi- 
dence. The  coefficients  of  these  tests  with  discrim- 
ination show  no  tendency  to  increase,  even  by  the 
end  of  the  experiment.  The  assumption  of  in- 
creasing similarity  in  the  character  of  these  pairs 
of  tests  would  seem  gratuitous.  Moreover,  if  there 
were  such  increase  in  similarity,  and  this  be  also 
supposed  to  account  for  the  higher  correlation  of 
color-naming  and  opposites  with  adding,  coordina- 
tion and  adding  should  show  the  same  increase  in 
correlation.  Just  the  reverse  is  actually  the  case, 
the  correlation  of  coordination  and  adding  de- 
creasing consistently. 

Some  further  factor  must  then  be  responsible 
for  the  general  increase  in  correlation,  aside  from 
deciease  in  variability  (which  affects  only  the 
first  few  trials)  and  progressive  qualitative  ap- 
proximation of  the  tests  (which  is  seen  to  be  in- 
adequate). The  doctrine  of  '^general  ability ^^  or 
*^ general  intelligence^'  at  once  suggests  itself  in 
this  connection.  If  there  is  such  a  thing  as  ^  ^  gen- 
eral ability '*  or  *^ general  intelligence,''  we  should 
expect  all  samplings  of  that  ability  to  correlate 
more  and  more  as  the  measures  came  to  be  truer 


PSYCHOLOGY  AND  ANALYSIS  255 

samples.  We  might  indeed  expect  to  find  evi- 
dences of  this  general  ability  only  when  measur- 
ing the  ** ultimate  capacity^'  of  the  individuals 
concerned.  The  momentary  ability  revealed  in 
initial  trials,  or  even  in  the  first  half-dozen  trials, 
in  a  given  set  of  tests  might  well  be  expected  to 
show  only  low  degrees  of  correlation.  These 
trials  would  not  be  measures  of  ultimate  capacity, 
but  would  be  largely  determined  by  previous  prac- 
tice, chance  variability,  momentary  attitude  and 
initial  method  of  attack.  They  would,  in  short,  be 
samplings  only  of  momentary  ability,  not  of  final 
capacity. 

Or  if  the  assumption  of  a  common  factor  be  re- 
jected, the  present  evidence  tends  strongly  to  sup- 
port our  earlier  conclusion  concerning  the  posi- 
tive correlation  between  desirable  mental  func- 
tions. Some  form  of  the  doctrine  of  ^'general 
ability,"  at  any  rate,  seems  to  be  supported.  But 
the  conclusion  seems  to  call  for  the  qualification 
that  ^  ^  general  ability ' '  shall  have  reference  to  final 
capacity  rather  than  to  momentary  performance^ 
if  the  correlations  are  to  be  high.  If  each  indi- 
vidual be  given  the  opportunity  to  attain  his  limit 
of  efficiency,  his  highest  level  of  performance, 
then,  when  these  final  limits  are  reached,  indi- 
viduals   who    excel    their    fellows    in    one    type 


256  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

of  work  will  also  tend  to  excel  in  other  types  of 
work. 

The  theory  and  practice  of  tests  has  in  the  past 
been  too  content  to  rest  its  claims  on  the  meager 
results  of  a  few  preliminary  samplings  of  an  in- 
dividual's ability.  The  fact  that,  even  when  a 
great  variety  of  such  samplings  of  a  given  indi- 
vidual are  aggregated  and  balanced  off  against 
one  another,  few  results  of  real  diagnostic  value 
are  achieved  should  be  sufficient  warning  against 
this  tendency.  My  conviction  is  that  for  this  pur- 
pose we  shall  find  it  necessary  to  determine  the  in- 
dividual's ^' limit  of  practice"  in  the  various  tests 
before  we  shall  secure  diagnostic  results  which 
will  be  verified  by  the  individual's  subsequent 
achievement  in  daily  life.  We  should  know  much 
more  than  we  now  know  concerning  the  tendency 
and  meaning  of  such  correlations  as  show  close 
relation  between  initial  performance  and  ultimate 
capacity.  This  is  particularly  true  if  we  wish  to 
extend  the  method  of  tests  beyond  educational  di- 
agnosis and  to  use  them  as  a  means  of  vocational 
guidance  or  of  industrial  selection.  For  educa- 
tional diagnosis  we  wish  primarily  to  know  what 
kind  of  practice  the  individual  most  needs.  For 
vocational  and  industrial  purposes  we  need  rather 
to  know  what  limits  the  individual  can  eventually 


PSYCHOLOGY  AND  ANALYSIS  257 

reach,  in  given  kinds  of  performance,  as  the  result 
of  practice,  and  to  what  degree  his  present  equip- 
ment of  incentive  renders  probable  the  actual 
achievement  of  this  limit. 

On  the  question  of  the  significance  of  prelimi- 
nary trials  and  the  effects  of  practice  on  the  rela- 
tive standing  of  individuals  in  their  group,  there 
are  important  facts  to  be  considered.  In  the  di- 
rect application  of  mental  tests  it  has  too  often 
been  assumed  that  the  actual  performance  of  an 
individual,  in  one  or  a  dozen  trials  at  a  given  task, 
is  in  some  way  or  other  significant  of  that  indi- 
vidual's final  capacity  in  such  work.  It  is  true 
that  several  investigators  have  studied  the  ef- 
fects of  practice  on  individual  differences.  These 
workers  were  interested  above  all  in  questions  as 
to  relative  rate  of  improvement,  or  amount  or  per- 
manence of  gain.  Such  studies  have  produced 
suggestive  results,  although  they  have  been  based, 
for  the  most  part,  on  records  of  only  a  few  sub- 
jects or  on  relatively  few  practice  trials. 

To  what  degree  are  individual  differences  after 
a  given  number  of  trials  indicative  of  the  final 
maximum  capacity  of  the  individuals  concerned? 
At  what  various  rates  do  the  determining  factors 
enter  into  the  practice  curves  of  a  group  of  work- 
ers?   What  manner  and  amount  of  displacement 


258  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

in  their  relative  order  of  ability  are  thus  pro- 
duced! At  what  point  or  points  in  the  curves  do 
the  individuals  assume  their  final  order  of  rela- 
tive capacity  after  training!  How  do  the  replies 
to  these  questions  vary  with  the  character  of  the 
task! 

In  the  case  of  the  experiments  already  de- 
scribed, record  has  been  here  taken  of  the  follow- 
ing points  in  the  curves  of  practice : 

Preliminary  trial called  initial  trial 

Median  of  trials  1  to  5 called      5th  trial 

Median  of  trials  20  to  25 caUed    25th  trial 

Median  of  trials  46  to  50 called    50th  trial 

Median  of  trials  76  to  80 called    80th  trial 

Median  of  trials  126  to  130 caUed  130th  trial 

Median  of  trials  171  to  175 called  175th  trial 

At  each  of  these  points  the  thirteen  subjects 
were  arranged  in  order  of  relative  ability  for  the 
test  at  the  given  stage  of  practice.  Each  of  these 
orders,  or  cross  sections,  of  the  group  of  practice 
curves  was  then  correlated  with  the  final  order  of 
position  as  shown  in  trials  one  hundred  and  sev- 
enty to  one  hundred  and  seventy-five.  Table  24 
gives  the  coefficients  of  correlation  derived  in  this 
way.  A  careful  study  of  this  table  will  prove  in- 
structive. 

It  is  at  once  evident  that  the  preliminary  trial 
is  by  no  means  always  a  measure  of  the  final  rela- 
tive capacities  of  the  individuals  tested.    The  av- 


PSYCHOLOGY  AND  ANALYSIS 


259 


TABLE  24 

Showing  the  Correlation  of  Ultimate  Capacity  with  Capacitt 

AT  Different  Points  in  the  Curve  of  Learning 

(See  Text  for  Explanation) 


The  Test 

Prelim- 
inary 

5th 
Trial 

25th 
Trial 

50th 
Trial 

80th 
Trial 

130th 
Trial 

Final 
Trial 
175th 

Adding 

Opposites .... 
Color  Naming 
Discrimination 
Cancellation. . 
Coordination 
Tapping 

— 

15 
08 
68 
68 
67 
52 
23 

.19 
.62 
.89 
.62 
.68 
.79 
.48 

.87 
.49 
.86 
.60 
.88 
.77 
.63 

.87 
.83 
.91 
.50 
.69 
.90 
.68 

.97 
.94 
.97 
.50 
.93 
.95 
.69 

.96 
.98 
.97 
.79 
(1.00) 
(1.00)^ 
.89 

1.00 
1.00 
1.00 
1.00 

i:66 

Averages. . . 

.41 

.61 

.73 

.77 

.85 

.92 

1.00 

erage  of  all  seven  coefficients  increases  from  .41 
at  the  preliminary  trial  to  .92  at  the  one  hundred 
and  thirtieth  trial.  As  the  trials  proceed  then, 
the  relative  positions  of  the  thirteen  individuals 
become  more  and  more  definitely  fixed,  but  in  the 
beginning  the  indication  is  obscure.  The  rate 
of  this  process,  however,  varies  with  the  test,  and 
to  a  considerable  degree.  Adding  shows  changes 
in  position  which  effect  a  correlation  of  .87  only 
after  the  twenty-fifth  trial.  Beyond  this  point 
there  is  little  change,  the  eightieth  and  one  hun- 
dred and  thirtieth  trials  correlating  equally  well, 
and  practically  perfectly,  with  the  final  order. 
After  twenty-five  trials,  then,  the  final  capacities 
of  the  individuals  in  the  adding  test  may  be  said 
to  be  indicated  fairly  accurately.     Opposites,  in 


260  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

the  fiftieth  trial,  yields  a  coefficient  equal  to  that 
of  addition  in  the  twenty-fifth  trial,  and  by  the 
eightieth  trial  the  correlation  may  be  said  to  be 
complete.  Only  after  fifty  trials,  then,  can  the 
test  be  said  to  yield  comparative  measures  which 
reflect  the  individuaPs  final  capacity  in  this  form 
of  controlled  association.  In  the  case  of  tapping 
it  is  only  at  the  one  hundred  and  thirtieth  trial 
that  the  correlation  with  final  position  exceeds  .69. 
These  results  may  be  easily  comprehended  by 
thinking  of  each  test  (as  for  instance  the  tapping 
test)  as  a  prolonged  race,  consisting  of  a  large 
number  of  heats  (205  separate  trials).  All  indi- 
viduals begin  with  a  running  start,  their  respec- 
tive initial  speeds  depending  on  the  momentum 
they  have  acquired  through  a  certain  amount  of 
previous  practice,  and  on  such  momentary  ability 
and  zeal  as  they  possess  at  the  time.  But  as  the 
succeeding  ^^ heats''  or  trials  occur  some  individ- 
uals who  were  originally  in  the  lead  begin  to  lose 
ground  in  relation  to  others  who,  though  initially 
slower,  are  now  speeding  up  and  overtaking  the 
leaders.  Still  others  may  retain  their  original  rel- 
ative positions  to  the  end  of  the  race.  In  the  table 
of  coefficients,  a  correlation  of  1.00  indicates  that 
at  that  point  the  ultimate  relative  positions  of  the 
contestants  have  at  last  become  established.    The 


PSYCHOLOGY  AND  ANALYSIS  261 

nearer  the  figure  approaches  zero  the  more  uncer- 
tain are  the  relative  positions  at  the  particular 
trial.  To  terminate  the  race  at  a  point  where  the 
correlation  is  low  and  to  reward  the  contestants 
according  to  the  position  they  had  reached  at  that 
point  would  be  manifestly  unfair  to  those  who 
were  still  speeding  up  and  partial  to  those  who 
were  losing  ground. 

Color-naming,  discrimination,  cancellation,  and 
coordination  show  up  to  much  greater  advantage. 
Even  the  preliminary  trials  in  these  tests  show 
fairly  high  correlations  with  the  final  orders.  The 
first  two  of  these  show  little  change  as  practice 
proceeds.  In  the  case  of  the  latter  two  tests,  al- 
though the  initial  correlations  are  fairly  high, 
there  is  nevertheless  considerable  increase  as  the 
trials  proceed. 

The  meaning  of  these  results  seems  to  be  that 
before  one  attempts  to  interpret  individual  dif- 
ferences as  disclosed  by  performance  in  such  a 
series  of  simple  tests,  he  should  have  clearly  in 
mind  the  distinction  between  temporary  profi- 
ciency and  ultimate  capacity.  If  he  is  interested, 
for  example,  in  determining  the  vocational  pros- 
pects of  a  youth,  or  the  relative  merits  of  candi- 
dates or  culprits,  it  is  important  that  he  realize 
that  relative  abilities  in  many  of  these  laboratory 


262  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

tests  may  be  changed  quite  beyond  recognition 
by  continued  work.  It  is  highly  desirable  to  know 
more  than  we  now  know  concerning  the  degree  to 
which  initial  and  intermediate  trials  in  these  tests 
reflect  final  capacity.  In  the  past  the  question 
seems  hardly  to  have  been  asked.  Individual  dif- 
ferences in  early  trials,  in  some  tests,  are  fairly 
significant  of  the  working  level  to  which  the  per- 
former may  be  brought  later.  In  other  tests  this 
is  not  the  case.  On  the  significance  of  these  early 
trials  may  depend,  in  many  cases,  the  vocational 
value  of  the  particular  test. 

Changes  in  the  nature  of  the  tests,  variations 
of  methods  of  attack,  and  specific  improvement  in 
the  directness,  independence  and  rapidity  of  the 
special  nervous  connections  concerned — these 
three  factors  would  all  declare  themselves  in  the 
form  of  *^ changes  in  ability.''  A  useful  piece  of 
work  in  the  case  of  aU  tests  will  be  the  analysis 
of  the  nature  of  the  changes  resulting  from  prac- 
tice. But  in  any  case  the  presence  of  these  changes 
in  correlation  shows  that  we  are  not,  in  early 
trials,  measuring  the  same  tendency  or  capacity  in 
all  performers.  The  concrete  tasks  of  daily  life 
doubtless  show  just  such  qualitative  changes,  dur- 
ing practice,  as  we  may  suppose  to  be  present  in 
some  of  these  tests.    Just  as  it  is  ultimate  capacity 


PSYCHOLOGY  AND  ANALYSIS 

in  daily  life  that  is,  with  a  given  set  of  incen- 
tives, most  important,  so  in  the  laboratory  the 
measurement  of  ^ '  ability  after  practice ' '  ought  to 
be  more  emphasized  than  it  is  at  present. 

If  it  is  true  that  with  practice  all  tests  corre- 
late with  one  another,  so  that  an  individual  who 
is  good  in  one  type  of  work  is  also,  when  his  prac- 
tice level  has  been  reached,  good  in  other  types  of 
work,  the  task  of  vocational  psychology  is  at  once 
enormously  simplified.  In  place  of  further  search 
for  special  occupational  tests  adapted  in  some 
peculiar  way  to  particular  types  of  work,  our  task 
is  rather  that  of  extending  the  general  intelligence 
scales  until  they  represent  higher  and  higher  de- 
grees of  general  ability. 

It  is  quite  probable  that  further  advance  in  this 
direction  will  come,  not  from  the  elaboration  or 
invention  of  more  tests,  but  by  the  selection  of  a 
very  few  tests,  and  the  examination  of  the  final 
limits  of  practice  with  respect  to  them.  The  prob- 
lem will  then  be  the  selection  of  sets  of  tests  in 
which  initial  performance  shows  high  correlation 
with  ultimate  capacity  in  the  tests  themselves,  or 
else  the  laborious  and  undramatic,  but  perhaps 
preferable,  alternative  of  continuing  every  test 
until  the  practice  limit  is  reached  by  the  individ- 
ual.   In  the  latter  case  it  would  be  well  to  learn 


264         Vocational  psychology 

more  about  the  nature  and  range  of  these  limits 
than  we  know  at  present. 

In  so  far  as  particular  tasks  are  actually  found 
to  call  for  highly  specialized  aptitudes,  for  the 
detection  of  which  tests  are  sought,  there  will  be 
the  further  problem  of  correlating  these  various 
tests  with  the  particular  aptnesses  or  fitnesses  to- 
ward the  detection  of  which  diagnosis  is  directed. 

There  will  also  be  the  problem  of  the  alignment 
of  the  various  types  of  work  along  the  general 
intelligenc-e  scales,  as  rapidly  as  these  are  ex- 
tended and  elaborated.  In  so  far  as  this  method 
is  followed,  the  task  of  selecting  from  candidates 
those  best  fitted  for  the  accomplishment  of  spe- 
cial types  of  work  will  be  easily  handled.  Voca- 
tional selection  will  readily  find  methods  suited 
to  its  purposes.  But  vocational  guidance,  as  dis- 
tinguished from  vocational  selection,  must  for 
some  time  to  come  depend  largely  on  the  determi- 
nation of  interests,  incentives,  satisfactions,  emo- 
tional values  and  preferences,  and  the  discovery 
and  direction  of  these  through  general  channels 
of  information  and  through  the  methods  of  indus- 
trial and  p re-vocational  education. 

This  is  a  hard  and  an  arduous  program.  It  calls 
for  strenuous  work  on  the  part  of  investigators, 
patience  and  faithfulness  on  the  part  of  observers, 


PSYCHOIjOGY  and  analysis  265 

and  wide  cooperation  of  investigators  with  each 
other.  From  the  immediately  practical  point  of 
view  it  also  offers  an  inviting  opportunity  to  those 
foundations  and  individuals  who  are  interested  in 
supporting  the  further  development  of  *^the  arts 
of  social  control  over  human  nature.'' 


CHAPTEE  XII 

CONCLUSION' 

The  leading  problems  of  vocational  psychology 
we  have  seen  to  be  three  in  number:  First,  how 
may  the  individual  achieve  the  most  adequate 
knowledge  of  his  own  peculiar  mental  and  instinc- 
tive constitution,  his  equipment  of  capacities,  ten- 
dencies, interests  and  aptitudes,  and  the  ways  in 
which  he  compares,  in  these  respects,  with  his  fel- 
lows? Second,  how  may  the  individual  acquire 
information  concerning  the  general  or  special 
traits  required  for  successful  participation  in  the 
various  vocations,  in  order  to  select  a  line  of  activ- 
ity for  which  he  is  constitutionally  adapted? 
Third,  how  may  the  employer  determine  the  rela- 
tive desirability,  fitness  and  promise  of  those  who 
may  offer  themselves  as  his  associates  and  assist- 
ants, or  for  minor  positions  in  his  employ?  Obvi- 
ously, if  vocational  psychology  were  in  its  matur- 
ity, rather  than  in  its  infancy,  these  various  ques- 
tions would  resolve  themselves  into  a  single  prob- 
lem. The  traits  required  in  the  various  types  of 
work  would  be  fully  known  and  specified,  so  that 

266 


CONCLUSION  £67 

both  the  choice  of  the  individual  and  the  selection 
by  the  employer  would  proceed  directly,  once  the 
individual's  characteristics  were  known. 

From  this  goal  we  are  very  far,  but  by  no  means 
hopelessly,  removed.  As  we  have  seen  in  the  pre- 
ceding chapters,  the  line  of  attack  is  being  ad- 
vanced very  unevenly  at  its  various  points.  It  is 
indeed  characteristic  of  any  new  branch  of  science 
that  it  does  not  advance  symmetrically  and  at  a 
uniform  rate,  but  moves  ahead,  now  in  this  di- 
rection, now  in  that,  so  that  the  line  of  complete 
development  is  some  distance  behind  the  outposts 
of  exploration.  So  in  the  case  of  vocational  psy- 
chology we  may  draw  a  rough  line  which  shall  rep- 
resent the  main  region  of  advance,  and  may  indi- 
cate the  various  points  where  the  line  lags  behind 
or  goes  conspicuously  forward. 

The  main  line  of  advance  has  left  far  behind  it 
the  magical  ritual  of  primitive  thought,  the  me» 
dieval  search  for  significant  omens  and  clairvoy- 
ant signs,  the  pseudo-scientific  faith  in  the  struc- 
tural characteristics  elaborated  in  physiognomy 
and  phrenology,  and  has  taken  its  stand  firmly 
at  the  point  where  emphasis  is  laid  on  the  objec- 
tive study  of  the  individual's  behavior.  Educa- 
tionally this  position  «ihows  itself  in  the  abandon- 
ment of  the  purely  disciplinary  ideal  of  abstract 


268  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

training,  and  the  substitution  of  training  in  spe- 
cific forms  of  conduct,  exercise,  and  occupation, 
accompanied  by  concrete  experience  with  indus- 
trial opportunities,  rewards,  and  satisfactions. 
From  the  more  strictly  psychological  point  of 
view  the  position  shows  itself  in  the  experimental 
application  of  mental  tests.  In  the  measurement 
of  the  more  strictly  intellectual  capacities,  the  line 
has  shown  a  very  decided  advance  since  the  begin- 
ning of  the  present  century.  The  available  intel- 
ligence scales  make  possible  the  diagnosis  of  in- 
tellectual defect,  normality  or  precocity  in  units  of 
considerable  reliability,  in  the  case  of  pre-ado- 
lescents.  This  step  in  itself  is  sufficient  to  put 
educational,  industrial  and  social  enterprise 
deeply  in  debt  to  the  new  science  of  experimental 
psychology. 

But  this  by  no  means  constitutes  the  only  point 
of  marked  advance.  Thanks  to  the  elaboration  of 
more  complex  and  more  diversified  tests,  and  the 
gradual  accumulation  of  norms,  it  is  now  possible 
to  make  mental  measurements  in  the  case  of  indi- 
viduals considerably  beyond  the  age  of  adoles- 
cence. By  means  of  such  methods,  degrees  of  sen- 
sitivity, dexterity,  accuracy,  speed,  comprehen- 
sion, docility,  discrimination,  ingenuity,  informa- 
tion, observation,  and  numerous  other  general  as- 


CONCLUSION  269 

pects  of  mental  alertness  may  be  recognized. 
Comparison  of  such  measures,  in  the  case  of  adult 
workers  with  actual  success  in  the  field  of  their 
activity,  tends  constantly  to  show  high  degrees  of 
positive  correlation.  The  fact  that  the  correla- 
tions are  not  perfect  raises  numerous  problems, 
the  solution  of  which  is  now  being  attempted. 

The  evidence  now  at  hand  suggests  that  the  in- 
complete correlation  comes,  in  part  at  least,  from 
the  fact  that  some  of  the  tests  of  momentary 
achievement  do  not  fully  represent  the  ultimate 
capacities  of  the  individuals  measured.  At  this 
point  the  line  is  relatively  slow  in  advancing.  The 
obstacles  encountered  consist  partly  in  our  incom- 
plete information  concerning  which  of  the  tests 
at  once  reveal  final  capacity  and  which  do  not. 
This  information  must  necessarily  come  slowly 
because  of  the  difficulties  involved  in  securing  the 
cooperation  of  subjects  who  will  submit  to  the  pro- 
longed series  of  measurements  which  such  inves- 
tigations involve.  Such  data  as  are  available, 
while  inadequate  to  constitute  proof,  suggest  very 
strongly  that  those  tests  which  are  now  in  most 
common  use  correlate  closely  with  each  other  when 
the  limit  of  practice  is  reached  in  all  of  them.  If 
subsequent  work  confirms  this  suggestion,  the  de- 
termination of  the  factor  of  general  intelligence 


S70  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

may  proceed  on  either  of  two  bases.  Either  we 
may  use  a  very  few  trials  of  tests  in  which  such 
trials  may  be  found  to  indicate  ultimate  capacity, 
or  we  may  use  a  small  number  of  tests,  but  con- 
tinue the  measures  until  the  limits  of  practice  are 
reached. 

But  there  is  probably  another  factor  in  part  re- 
sponsible for  the  incompleteness  of  the  correla- 
tions between  test  records  and  direct  measures  of 
vocational  success.  This  is  the  fact  that  charac- 
teristics other  than  general  intelligence  play  a 
conspicuous  part  in  daily  life.  The  interests,  the 
incentives,  the  emotions,  and  the  equipment  of  in- 
stinct and  habit,  which  show  themselves  in  such 
traits  as  curiosity,  competition,  honesty,  loyalty, 
promptness,  patience,  the  play  impulse,  etc.,  do 
not  count  for  nothing  in  vocational  activity. 
Moreover,  it  is  quite  likely  that,  in  addition  to 
the  common  fund  of  intelligence,  each  individual 
possesses  in  his  or  her  own  degree,  certain  more 
specialized  capacities  and  aptitudes,  for  the  com- 
plete measurement  of  which  the  available  tests  are 
inadequate.  The  graded  '^product  scales,'^  how- 
ever, represent  a  definite  step  toward  the  meas- 
urement of  many  of  these  specific  capacities. 

Another  difficulty  encountered  at  this  point  is 
the  fact  that  such  direct  measures  of  vocational 


CONCLUSION  271 

success  as  have  been  utilized  in  these  comparisons 
are  in  themselves  subject  to  very  large  error. 
Only  in  recent  years,  and  as  a  result  of  the  em- 
phasis of  the  human  factor  in  industry,  has  it 
come  to  be  the  common  practice  to  secure  ade- 
quate records  of  the  work  of  the  individual  as  con- 
trasted with  the  work  of  the  gang.  Even  today 
such  records  are  available  in  accurate  form  for 
only  the  simpler  operations,  in  which  standardized 
conditions  of  work  can  be  maintained.  The  rela- 
tive success  of  salesmen,  for  example,  is  not  fairly 
measured  in  terms  of  the  amounts  of  their  sales, 
the  number  of  prospects  interviewed,  or  the  fre- 
quency with  which  the  assigned  tasks  are  accom- 
plished, unless  the  local  trade  conditions  of  the 
respective  territories  are  fully  taken  into  account. 
Inasmuch  as  such  errors  of  measurement  tend  to 
reduce  the  apparent  correlation  between  the  traits 
measured,  it  is  extremely  probable  that  the  psy- 
chological tests  are  even  more  significant  than 
their  present  results  indicate.  Eefinement  of  the 
tests  must  be  accompanied  by  more  accurate  and 
precise  measurement  of  the  actual  working  effi- 
ciency of  individuals  in  the  industrial  field,  if  the 
results  of  the  one  are  ever  to  represent  the  amount 
of  the  other.  In  this  as  in  many  other  respects, 
the  development  of  vocational  tests  depends  as 


S7g  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

mucli  upon  the  active  and  intelligent  cooperation 
of  industrial  concerns  as  it  does  upon  the  enthu- 
siasm and  diligence  of  the  psychological  investi- 
gators. 

From  the  point  of  view  of  the  employer,  the 
incompleteness  of  the  correlation  between  tests 
and  direct  measures  is  of  little  concern.  Even  a 
very  small  positive  correlation  affords  him  a  de- 
gree of  guidance  in  the  selection  of  his  workers 
that  was  far  from  forthcoming  under  the  haphaz- 
ard methods  of  employment  that  have  been  tradi- 
tional. But  from  the  point  of  view  of  the  indi- 
vidual who  is  seeking  guidance,  or  who  is  accepted 
or  rejected  on  the  basis  of  his  performance  in  psy- 
chological tests,  any  correlation  which  is  imper- 
fect may  lead  to  occasional  injustice  and  misdirec- 
tion. 

The  diagnosis  of  the  instinctive  and  attitudinal 
characteristics  and  the  recognition  of  the  more 
specialized  aptitudes  constitute  two  points  at 
which  the  line  of  advance  is  relatively  slow.  It  is 
at  these  points  that  the  psychographic  methods 
find  their  task.  As  we  have  already  seen  in  de- 
tail, the  methods  of  the  individual  and  the  voca- 
tional psychograph  are  still  in  the  stage  of  empir- 
ical procedure.  In  this  stage  of  their  develop- 
ment nearly  any  effort  to  amplify  or  apply  them 


CONCLUSION  273 

is  certain  to  contribute  results  of  positive  value. 
The  recent  studies  that  have  contributed  most  no- 
tably toward  the  further  development  of  the  psy- 
chographic  technique  have  been  in  the  form  of  the 
specialized  vocational  tests  and  methods.  Such 
studies,  in  addition  to  yielding  results  of  inune- 
diate  applicability  in  the  description  and  analysis 
of  the  special  tasks  at  which  they  are  directed, 
also  constitute  positive  progress  towards  the  more 
elaborate  psychographic  pictures  of  individuals 
and  of  tasks. 

Meanwhile  groups  of  further  problems  have 
been  definitely  organized,  and  preliminary  steps 
taken  toward  their  solution.  The  formulation  of 
systematic  guides  to  self -analysis  and  introspec- 
tion and  the  study  of  the  reliability  to  be  placed 
in  the  individuaPs  estimates  of  his  own  character- 
istics are  making  definite  and  interesting  prog- 
ress. The  examination  of  the  time-honored  *^  rec- 
ommendation'' and  the  estimates  of  associates 
and  friends,  and  the  investigation  of  the  accuracy 
of  such  judgments  as  are  based  on  these  testimo- 
nials, on  letters  of  application,  on  the  school  rec- 
ords, etc.,  have  already  thrown  long-desired  illu- 
mination on  several  aspects  of  vocational  psy- 
chology. The  effort  to  base  the  vocational  en- 
deavors of  women  on  the  data  of  exact  inquiry, 


274  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

rather  than  on  the  maintenance  of  primitive  ta- 
boos and  domestic  and  literary  traditions,  has 
played  its  own  valuable  part  in  one  of  the  most 
vital  economic  adjustments  of  our  age. 

The  very  fact  that  a  systematic  presentation  of 
the  problems  and  methods  of  vocational  psychol- 
ogy is  possible  signifies  an  enormous  advance  be- 
yond the  very  recent  stage  in  which  all  vocations 
were  mysteries,  all  choices  a  serious  form  of  gam- 
bling, and  all  employment  confessedly  a  matter 
of  impressionistic  prejudice.  To  those  who  be- 
come familiar  not  only  with  the  program  of  this 
new  branch  of  applied  science,  but  as  well  with 
the  outstanding  definite  and  positive  contribu- 
tions which  that  program  has  already  yielded,  the 
words  of  a  constructive  pioneer  in  this  branch  of 
scientific  inquiry  seem  to  be  already  becoming 
a  statement  of  fact,  rather  than  the  mere  expres- 
sion of  a  hope.  ^^The  nineteenth  century  wit- 
nessed an  extraordinary  increase  in  our  knowl- 
edge of  the  material  world,  and  in  our  power  to 
make  it  subservient  to  our  ends;  the  twentieth 
century  will  probably  witness  a  corresponding  in- 
crease in  our  knowledge  of  human  nature,  and 
in  our  power  to  use  it  for  our  weKare.  * ' 


APPENDIX 

CLASSIFIED  BIBLIOGRAPHY  FOR  VOCATIONAL 
PSYCHOLOGY 

1.    Motives  of  Vocational  Psychology 

Bloomfield,  M. :    The  Vocational  Guidance  of  Youth 

Readings  in  Vocational  Guidance 

Davis,  J.  B. :  Moral  and  Vocational  Guidance 
Hollingworth,  H.  L. :    Vocational  Psychology 
Miinsterberg,  H. :    Psychology  and  Industrial  Efficiency 
Parsons,  P. :     Choosing  a  Vocation 
Puffer,  J.  A. :    Vocational  Guidance 
Thorndike,  E.  L. :     ''Educational  Diagnosis/*  Science, 
Jan.  24  1913 

2.    The  Methods  of  Industrial  Education 

Bonser,  F.  G. :  Fundamental  Values  in  Industrial  Edu- 
cation 
Bonser  and  Russell:     Industrial  Education 
Hanus,  P. :    Beginnings  in  Industrial  Education 
Righter  and  Leonard:    Educational  Surveys  and  Voca- 
tional Guidance 
;Weeks,  R.  M.:    The  People's  School;  a  Study  in  Voca- 
tional Training 

3.    Pseudo-psychological  Methods 

Those  interested  in  the  historical  features  of  vocational 
psychology  will  find  innumerable  books  and  monographs 

275 


^76  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

on  magic,  clairvoyance,  astrology,  chiromancy,  palmis- 
try, phrenology,  physiognomies,  character-analysis,  etc. 
All  of  these  have  only  historical  interest.  See  also  an 
interesting  survey  of  the  development  and  motives  of 
these  systems,  by  Prof.  Joseph  Jastrow,  in  Popular  Sci- 
ence Monthly,  June,  1915 

4.    History  of  Psychological  Tests 

Cattell  and  Farrand:     "Physical  and  Mental  Measure- 
ments of  the  Students  of   Columbia  University,'^ 
Psychological  Review,  Nov.,  1896 
Stern,  W. :     Die  Differentielle  Psychologic 

The  Psychological  Methods  of  Testing  Intelligence 

Thorndike,  E.  L. :    Educational  Psychology,  Vol.  Ill 
"Whipple,  G.  M. :    Manual  of  Mental  and  Physical  Tests 
Whitley,  M.  T. :    Tests  for  Individual  Differences 
Wissler,    C. :      ''Correlation    of    Mental    and    Physical 
Tests,"  Psychological  Review  Monograph  Supple- 
ment, No.  16,  1901 

5.    Graded  Intelligence  Tests  and  Product   Scales 

Binet  and  Simon :  A  Method  of  Measuring  the  Develop- 
ment of  Intelligence  of  Young  Children 

Hillegas,  M.  B. :  ' '  Scale  for  Measurement  of  Quality  in 
English  Composition  by  Young  Yeople,"  Teachers 
College  Record,  Sept.,  1912 

Pyle,  W.  H. :    The  Examination  of  School  Children 

Sylvester,  R.  H. :  ''The  Form  Board,"  Psychological 
Review  Monograph  Supplement,  No.  65,  1913 

Thorndike,  E.  L.:  "Handwriting,"  Teachers  College 
Record,  March,  1910 


APPENDIX  27T 

Thorndike,  E.  L. :  "Measurement  of  Achievement  in 
Drawing/*  Teachers  College  Record,  Nov.,  1913 

Trabue,  M.  R. :  A  Graded  Series  of  Completion  Tests, 
School  and  Society,  April  10,  1915 

''Completion-test  Language  Scales."     Contribution 

to  Education,  Teachers  College,  Columbia  Uni- 
versity, No.  77,  1916 

Whipple,  G.  M. :    Manual  of  Mental  and  Physical  Tests 

Yerkes  and  Bridges:  Point  Scale  for  Measurement  of 
Intelligence 

6.  The  Individual  Psychograph 

Hollingworth,  H.  L. :     "Review  of  Toulouse,"  Psycho- 
logical Bulletin,  Nov.,  1912 
Stern,  W. :    Die  Differentielle  Psychologie 
Toulouse,  E. :    Henri  Poincare 

7.  The  Vocational  Psychograph 

Miinsterberg,  H. :    Vocation  and  Learning 

Parsons,  F. :    Choosing  a  Vocation 

Schneider,  H. :  "Selecting  Young  Men  for  Particular 
Jobs,"  Bulletin  7,  National  Association  of  Cor- 
poration Schools 

Seashore,  C.  E.:  "The  Measurement  of  a  Singer,"  Sci- 
ence, Feb.  9, 1912 

Seashore,  C.  E. :    Psychology  in  Daily  Life 

Trade  Educational  League  Bulletins,  Boston 

8.    Specialized   Vocational   Tests   and   Methods 

Ayres,  L. :  "Psychological  Tests  in  Vocational  Guid- 
ance," Journal  of  Educational  Psychology,  April, 
1913 


278  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

Hollingworth,  H.  L. :  *  *  Specialized  Vocational  Tests  and 
Methods,"  School  and  Society,  June  26,  1915 

Lahy,  J.  M. :  ' '  Les  conditions  psychophysiologiques  de 
I'aptitude  an  travail  dactylographique, "  Journal  de 
Physiology,  1913 

Lough,  AY.  H. :  ''Experimental  Psychology  and  Voca- 
tional Guidance,"  Proceedings  Second  Conference 
on  Vocational  Education 

McComas,  H.  C:  ''Some  Tests  for  Efficiency  of  Tele- 
phone Operators,"  Journal  of  Philosophy,  Psy- 
chology and  Scientific  Methods 

Miinsterberg,  H. :    Psychology  and  Industrial  Efficiency 

Business  Psychology 

Scott,  W.  D.:  "The  Scientific  Selection  of  Salesmen," 
Advertising  and  Selling,  October,  1915 

Taylor,  F.  A. :     Scientific  Management 

Woolley  and  Fischer:  "Mental  and  Physical  Measure- 
ments of  Working  Children, ' '  Psychological  Review 
Monthly  Supplement,  No.  77 


9.    Self-Analysis  op  the  iNDivrouAL 

Cattell,  J.   McK. :     "Homo   Scientificus  Americanus," 

Science,  XVII 
Davenport,  C.  B. :  "The  Trait  Book,"  Eugenics  Record 

Office 
Partridge,  S.  E. :  An  Outline  for  Individual  Study 
Parsons,  F. :    Choosing  a  Vocation 
Thomdike,  E.  L. :    The  Original  Nature  of  Man 
"Professor  Cattell's  Relation  to  the  Study  of  In- 
dividual Differences. ' '    In  Psychological  Researches 
of  J.  McKeen  Cattell,  Archives  of  Psychology,  30 


APPENDIX  279 

Wells,  F.  L.:    ''The  Systematic  Observation  of  the  Per- 
sonality," Psychological  Beview,  July,  1914 
Yerkes  and  LaRue :    Outline  for  a  Study  of  the  Self 


10.    The  Judgment  of  Assocl4.tes 

Cattell,  J.  McK. :  ' '  Homo  Scientificus  Americanus, ' '  Sci- 
ence, XVII 

Cogan,  Lucy  G.,  Conklin,  Agnes  M.,  and  Hollingworth, 
H.  L.:  "  Self- Analysis,  Estimates  of  Associates, 
and  Psychological  Tests,"  School  and  Society,  Vol. 
II,  1915 

Norsworthy,  N. :  "On  the  Validity  of  Judgments  of 
Character, ' '  Essays  in  Honor  of  William  James 

Simpson,  B.  R. :  ''Reliability  of  Estimates  of  General 
Intelligence,  with  Applications  to  Appointments  to 
Positions,"  Journal  of  Educational  Psychology, 
April,  1915 

11.    The  School  Curricultjm  as  a  Vocational  Test 

Dearborn,  W.  F. :  "The  Relative  Standing  of  Pupils  in 
the  High  School  and  in  the  University,"  Bull.  312, 
Univ.  of  Wisconsin,  1909 

Jones,  A.  L. :  "  The  Value  of  CoUege  Entrance  Exami- 
nations," Educational  Beview,  Sept.,  1914 

Kelley,  T.  L. :     Educational  Guidance 

Lowell,  A.  L. :  "  College  Studies  and  the  Professional 
School,"  Harvard  Graduates'  Magazine,  Dec,  1910; 
Educational  Beview,  Oct.,  1911 

Miles,  W.  R. :  "  Comparison  of  Elementary  and  High 
School  Grades,"  Iowa  Studies  in  Education,  1,  1. 


280  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

Nicholson,  F.  W. :  **  Success  in  College  and  in  After 
Life/'  School  cmd  Society y  Aug.  14,  1915 

Smith,  F.  O. :  "A  Rational  Basis  for  Determining  Fit- 
ness for  College  Entrance,"  University  of  Iowa 
studies  in  Education,  N.  S.,  51,  Dec.,  1912 

Thorndike,  E.  L. :  *' Educational  Diagnosis,"  Science, 
Jan.  24,  1913 

^"The  Future  of  the  College  Entrance  Examination 

Board,"  Educational  Review ,  May,  1906.  Also 
Science,  Vol.  23,  p.  289 

''The  Permanence  of  Interests  and  Their  Relation 

to  Abilities,"  Popular  Science  M&nthly,  Nov.,  1912 


12.    The  Determinants  of  Vocational  Aptitude^  and  the 
Vocational  Aptitudes  of  Women 

Castle,  Cora  Sutton:  ''A  Statistical  Study  of  Eminent 
Women,"  Archives  of  Psychology,  No.  27,  August, 
1913 

Hollingworth,  Leta  S. :  **  An  Economic  Study  of  Feeble- 
minded Women,"  Medical  Record,  June  6,  1914 

Functional  Periodicity,   Teachers  College  Studies, 

No.  69,  1914 

"Variability    as    Related    to    Sex    Differences    in 

Achievement,"  American  Journal  of  Sociology, 
Jan.,  1914 

Jastrow,  J. :  Character  and  Temperament 

Montague,  Helen,  and  Hollingworth,  L.  S. :  ''The  Com- 
parative Variability  of  the  Sexes  at  Birth,  * '  Ameri- 
can Journal  of  Sociology,  Oct.,  1914 

Miinsterberg,  H. :    Vocation  and  Learning 

Psychology  and  Industrial  Efficiency 


APPENDIX  281 

Pearson,  K. :  ** Variation  in  Man  and  Woman/*  in 
''Chances  of  Death/'  1897 

Schneider,  H. :  ''Selecting  Young  Men  for  Particular 
Jobs,*'  Bulletin  7,  National  Associatian  of  Corpora- 
tion Schools 

^"The  Problem  of  Selecting  the  Right  Job,''  Na- 
tional Association  of  Corporation  Schools,  Bulletin 
June  9,  1915 

Thompson,  Helen  B. :    The  Mental  Traits  of  Sex 

Thorndike,  E.  L. :  Educational  Psychology,  Part  III, 
1914 

Wells,  F.  L. :  "  The  Principle  of  Mental  Tests, ' '  Science, 
Aug.  22,  1913 

Woolley,  Helen:  "Sex  Differences  in  Mental  Traits," 
Psychological  Bulletin,  Oct.,  1914 


13.    Theory  and  Peinciple  op  Mental  Tests  as  Applied 
IN  Vocational  Analysis 

Brown,  W. :  Habit  Interference,  University  of  Califor- 
nia Ptchlication  in  Psychology,  I,  4 

Hollingworth,  H.  L. :  "Correlation  of  Abilities  as  Af- 
fected by  Practice,"  Journal  of  Educational  Psy- 
chology, Jan.,  1912 

"Individual  Differences  Before,  During  and  After 

Practice,"  Psychological  Beview,  Jan.,  1914 

Stern,  W. :    Die  Differentielle  Psychologic 

Thorndike,  E.  L.:  "Educational  Diagnosis,"  Science, 
Jan.  24,  1913 

Mental  and  Social  Measurements 

Wells,  F.  L. :  "  The  Principle  of  Mental  Tests, ' '  Science, 
Aug.  22,  1913 


^82  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

Wells,  F.  L.:   ''Systematic  Observation  of  the  Person- 
ality," Psychological  Beview,  July,  1914 
Whipple,  G.  M. :     Manual  of  Mental  and  Physical  Tests 
Whitley,  M.  T. :    Tests  for  Individual  Differences 


TESTS,  BLANKS,  STAND AEDS,  FORMS 

EARLY  COLUMBIA  TESTS 

Laboratory  of  Psychology  of  Columbia  University 
Physical  and  Mental  Tests 

On  the  back  of  this  sheet  will  be  found  the  record  of 
the  student  to  whom  it  is  sent,  together  with  the  results 
obtained  with  about  250  college  freshmen.  The  indi- 
vidual student  may  thus  see  how  certain  of  his  physical 
and  mental  traits  compare  with  those  of  other  students. 
Some  of  the  records  are  given  in  percentages:  Thus, 
in  the  case  of  eyesight,  if  the  student  has  a  record  of  44 
cm.  or  under  he  is  among  the  third  or  fourth  having  the 
worst  eyesight  and  should  consult  an  oculist.  Others 
of  the  records  are  given  in  averages,  and  the  student  can 
readily  see  whether  he  is  above  or  below  the  average. 
After  the  average  is  given  a  number  in  parenthesis  which 
is  the  probable  error.  If  the  record  of  an  individual 
departs  from  the  average  by  less  than  this  quantity  he 
belongs  to  the  half  of  the  students  who  are  medium  or 
normal.  Thus  in  the  case  of  the  reaction-time,  if  a  stu- 
dent has  a  time  more  than  0.019  sec.  below  0.159  sec.  he 
is  among  the  quarter  of  the  students  who  are  the 
quickest. 

In  several  of  the  tests,  especially  sensation-areas,  force 
of  movement,  perception  of  pitch,  of  size  and  of  time, 
and  memory  for  size,  the  number  of  trials  is  not  sufficient 
to  establish  certainly  the  place  of  the  student  among  the 
others. 

283 


284.  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

Tests  such  as  these  are  of  importance  for  science. 
They  teach  us  the  normal  type  of  individual  and  the 

Early  Columbia  Tests 
Record  of ~ 

Together  with  the  averages  and  percentages  of  about  250  students. 


TT«   ..  /length,  19.4  cm.  (0.43) 

neaa.  ^  breadth,  15 . 3  cm.  (0 .  38) 

Vision:    Right  eye,  72  cm.  and  over,  15%;  61  to  52  cm.^ 

52%;  44cm.  and  under,  33% 

Vision:    Left  eye,  72  cm.  and  over,  16%;  61  to  52  cm., 

60%;  44  cm.,  and  under,  24% 

Color  vision :     Normal,  94.5%;  defective,  4 % ;  blind,  1.5% 
Preference  for  color:     Blue,  42%;  red,  22%;  violet,  19%; 

yellow,  2%;  green,  7%;  white,  3%;  none,  5% 

Hearing:    Right  ear,  abnormal,  3% 

"  Left  ear,  abnormal,  2% 

Perception  of  pitch:    Error  less  than  ^  tone,  10%;  iV  to 

one  tone,  53%;  more  than  one  tone,  37% 

Sensation  areas:    Correct  4  or  5  times,  63%;  3,  2,  1  or  0 

times,  37% 

Force  of  movement:    Error,  1 .44  cm.  (0.51) 

Sensitiveness  to  Pain:    Right  hand,  5.9  kg.  (2.4) 
Left        "     5.6  kg.  (2.2) 

Strength:    Right  hand,  36 . 3  kg.  (4 . 9) 

Left        "      33.5  kg.  (4.7) 

Fatigue:    Work  done  284.3  kg 

Amount  of  fatigue,  65%  (27) 

Reaction-time:    0. 159  sec.  (0.019) 

Marking  100  letters:     100  sec.  (12) 

Naming  100  colors:     85  sec.  (14) 

Making  100  movements:     34  sec.  (4) 


100  accurate  movements:  {^^^.'^^^^f^O^g^^;  (o'g) 

Perception  of  size:    Error,  2.4  mm.  (2.0) 

Perception  of  time:       "       

Memory:    Numerals,  heard,  7.6  (0.4) 

"  "         seen,    6.9(0.6) 

logical,  44.5%  (11) 

"  retrospective,  error,  4.5  mm.  (2.6) 

Association  time,  55 . 4  sec.  (22 . 9) 

Association  of  opposites 

Imagery:     Visualization,  distinct,  83% 

"  Auditory,  distinct,  23% 


TESTS,  BLANKS,  STANDARDS,  FORMS  285 

normal  variation  from  this  type.  They  show  us  how 
different  classes  in  the  community  differ,  and  on  what 
conditions  of  heredity,  education,  etc.,  these  differences 
depend.  They  show  us  how  physical  and  mental  traits 
are  interrelated,  how  they  alter  with  growth,  and  on 
what  conditions  development  depends.  The  tests  should 
be  of  interest  to  the  individual  as  they  show  how  he 
compares  with  his  fellows,  indicating  defects  and  special 
aptitudes,  and  if  repeated  later  in  the  college  course  or 
in  after  life  the  comparison  may  prove  of  great  value. 
This  record  should  be  compared  with  the  measurements 
taken  in  the  gjnnnasium. 


NORMS  AND  STANDARDS 

The  following  tables  illustrate  the  principle  of  norms 
and  standards  for  mental  and  physical  characteristics. 
In  these  cases  various  traits  or  measures  of  perform- 
ance have  been  recorded  on  large  numbers  of  children 
at  each  age  from  six  years  to  eighteen  years.  The 
figures  under  a  given  age  column  indicate  what  should 
be  expected  from  the  average  or  normal  person  of  that 
age,  in  the  trait  in  question.  If  the  individual  is  pre- 
cisely "at  age"  in  all  the  traits  measured,  all  his  rec- 
ords will  fall  in  the  vertical  column  under  the  figure  in- 
dicating age.  Deviation  above  or  below  the  average  will 
be  indicated  by  position  above  or  below  this  column. 
For  description  of  the  tests  and  instructions  for  their 
administration  the  reader  should  consult  the  references 
given  on  pages  275-282. 


286 


VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 


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TESTS,  BLANKS,  STANDARDS,  FORMS  287 


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VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 


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TESTS,  BLANKS,  STANDARDS,  FORMS    ^89 

GRADED   SCALES 

A  Roughly  Graded  Test  for  Children  Who  Are  Less  Than 
Three  Years  Old 

Normal  Course  of  Development 

(After  Preyer,  Church,  Peterson  and  Paton) 

1st  Week — Sensitive  to  light,  reaction  to  touch,  evidences 
of  audition,  sensibility  to  taste. 

2nd  Week — Notices  candle,  facial  reaction  suggesting 
pleasure. 

3rd  Week— Tears. 

4th  Week — Smiles  and  vowel  sounds. 

1st  Month — Taste,  smell,  touch,  sight,  hearing.  Sleeps 
two  hours  at  a  time,  16  hrs.  out  of  24. 

2nd  Month — Occasional  strabismus,  recognizes  human 
voice,  turns  head  toward  sound,  pleased  with  music 
and  with  human  faces.  Laughs  at  tickling.  Clasps 
with  four  fingers  by  8th  week.    First  consonants. 

3rd  Month — Cries  with  joy  at  sight  of  mother  or  father. 
Eyelids  not  completely  raised  when  child  looks  up. 
Knows  sound  of  watch  at  9th  week.  Listens  with 
attention. 

4th  Month — Eye  movements  perfect.  Sees  objects  move 
toward  eye.  Joy  at  seeing  itself  in  mirror.  Op- 
poses thumb.  Head  held  up  permanently.  Sits  up 
with  support  to  back.    Begins  to  imitate. 

5th  Month — Discriminates  strangers.  Pleasures  of 
crumpling  and  tearing  papers,  pulling  hair,  or  ring- 
ing bell.  Sleeps  10  or  11  hrs.  without  food.  Con- 
sonants 1  and  k.  Seizes  and  carries  objects  to 
mouth. 


290  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

6tli  and  7th  IMonth — Eaises  self  to  sitting  posture. 
Laughs.  Raises  and  drops  arms  when  pleasure  is 
great.  Teeth  begin  to  appear.  Astonishment  shown 
by  open  mouth  and  eyes.  Turns  head  as  sign  of 
refusal. 

8th  and  9th  IMonths — Stands  on  feet  without  support. 
Claps  hands  for  joy.  Has  fear  of  dogs.  Turns  over 
when  laid  face  down.  Turns  head  to  light  when 
asked  where  it  is.  Questions  understood  before  child 
can  speak.    Voice  more  modulated. 

10th,  11th,  12th  IMonths — First  attempts  at  walking. 
Sitting  has  become  a  habit.  Stands  without  support. 
Whispering  begins.  Pushes  chair.  Obeys  command^ 
''Give  the  hand." 

13th,  14th,  15th  Months— Says  ''Papa"  and  "Mama." 
Raises  itself  by  chair.  Imitates  coughing,  and 
swinging  of  arms.  Walks  without  support.  Under- 
stands ten  words. 

16th,  17th,  18th,  19th  Months— Sleeps  10  hrs.  at  a  time. 
Associates  words  with  objects  and  movements. 
Blows  horn,  strikes  with  hand  or  foot,  waters  flow- 
ers, tries  to  wash  hands,  to  comb  and  brush  hair,  to 
execute  the  other  imitative  movements. 

20th  to  24th  Months — Marks  with  pencil  and  paper.  Ex- 
ecutes orders  with  surprising  accuracy. 

25th  to  30th  Months — Distinguishes  colors.  Makes  sen- 
tences of  several  words.  Begins  to  climb  and  jump 
and  to  ask  questions. 

30th  to  40th  Months— Goes  up  stairs  without  help. 
Clauses  formed.  Words  distinctly  spoken.  Influ- 
ence of  dialect  appears.    Much  questioning. 

Beyond  40th  Month— See  Binet-Simon  and  other  tests 
and  norms. 


i 


TESTS,  BLANKS,  STANDARDS,  FORMS    291 

Trabue  Language  Scale  C* 

Write  only  one  word  on  each  blank 
Seven  minutes  time  allowed 

1.  The  sky blue. 

2.  Men older  than  boys. 

3.  Good  boys kind their  sisters. 

4.  The  girl  fell  and her  head. 

5.  The rises the  morning  and at  night. 

6.  The  boy  who hard do  well. 

7.  Men more to  do  heavy  work women. 

8.  The  smi  is  so  that  one  can  not  

directly j,causuig  great  discomfort  to  the 

eyes. 

9.  The  knowledge  of  use  fire  is of 

important  things  known  by  but  un- 
known   animals. 

10.    One  ought  to great  care  to the  right]. 

of — ,  for  one  who , bad  habits it 

„  to  get  away  from  them. 

*This  scale  is  intended  for  the  measurement  of  children.  The 
steps  from  sentence  to  sentence  are  of  approximately  equal  difficulty. 

Trabue  Language  Scale  ^K^ 

Write  only  one  word  on  each  blank 
Five  minutes  time  allowed 

Name 

1.  The  boy  will his  hand  if plays  with  fire. 

2.  Hot  weather  comes  in  the  _ and  weather 

the  winter. 

3.  The  poor  Httle has nothing  to ;  he 

is  hungry. 

4.  Veiy  few  people how  to  spend  time  and to 

the  best  advantage. 

5.  One not,  as  a , attention 

uninteresting  things. 

6.  To  eat one  is „ is  a pleasure. 

7 they  ._ us  not,  nature's  ^ 

are and  imchangeable. 

^  This  scale  is  intended  for  the  measurement  of  young  people  and 
adults.  The  steps  between  the  sentences  are  of  approximately  equa^ 
difficulty. 


292  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

Record  Blank  fob 

Name  Bom  Admitted 


III 

1  Points  to  nose,  eyes,  moutn. 

2  Repeats  "It  rains.     I  am  hungry." 

3  Repeats  7  2. 

4  Sees  in  Picture  1.  8. 

2.  6. 

3.  7. 

4.  8. 

IV 

1  Knows  sex,  boy  or  girl,     (girl  or  boy.) 

2  Recognizes  key,  knife,  penny. 

3  Repeats  7  4  8. 

4  Compares  lines. 

V 

1  Compares  3  and  12  grams.     6  and  15  grams. 

2  Copies  square.     (Draw  on  back  of  this  sheet.) 

3  Repeats,  "His  nanae  is  John.     He  is  a  very  good  boy.'* 

4  Counts  four  pennies. 

5  "Patience." 

VI 

1  Morning  or  afternoon,     (afternoon  or  morning.) 

2  Defines  fork  horse 

table  mama 

chair 

3  Puts  key  on  chair;  shuts  door;  brings  box. 

4  Shows  R.  Hand.     L.  Ear. 

5  Chooses  prettier?     1  &  2.     4  &  3,     5  &  6. 

VII 

1  Counts  13  pennies. 

2  Describes  Pictures.     (See  III  4.) 

3  Sees  picture  lacks  eyes,  nose,  mouth,  arms. 

4  Can  copy  diamond,     (over.) 

5  Recognizes  red,  blue,  green,  yellow.     (Time  6*.) 

VIII 

1  Compares  (Time  20".) 

Butterfly  Wood  Paper 

Fly  Glass  Cloth 

2  Counts  backward  20-1.     (Time  20*.) 

3  Repeats  days.     M.  T.  W.  T.  F.  S.  S.     (Time  10*.) 

4  i  Counts  stamps.     111222.     (Time  10*.) 


5     Repeats  4  7  3  9  5. 


IX 

1  Makes  change  20c — 4c. 

2  Definitions.     (See  VI  2.) 

3  Knows  date. 

4  Months.    J.  F.  M.  A.  M.  J.  J.  A.  S.  O.  N.  D.    (Time  13*.) 

6    Arranges  weights.     (2  correct.)     (1  min.  each.)        1.  2.  3J 


TESTS,  BLANKS,  STANDARDS,  FORMS    293 

BiNET  Tests 

Examined  Mental  Age 


1 

2 
3 
4 

5 

X 

Money  Ic.     5c.     10c.     25c.     50c.     $1.     $2.     $5.     $10. 
Draws  design  from  memory,     (show  10  seconds.) 
Repeats  85472  6.     27468  1.     94173  8. 
Comprehends. 

(1st  Series  time  20")                                        (2nd  Series  time  20^0 
(2  out  of  3)                                                         (3  out  of  5) 

a.  (Missed  train.)                                           a.     (Late  to  School.) 

b.  (Struck  by  playmate,  etc.)                      b.     (Important  affair.) 

c.  (Broken  something.)                                 c.     (Forgive  easier.) 

d.  (Asked  opinion.) 

e.  (Actions  vs.  words.) 
Sentence:     New  York,  Money,  River.     (Time  1'.) 

1 

XI 

Sees  absurdity.     (3  out  of  5.)     (Time  2'.) 

a.  Unfortunate  painter.                                d.     R.  R.  accident. 

b.  Three  brothers.                                          e.     Suicide. 

c.     Locked  in  room. 

2  Sentence:     New  York,  Money,  River.     (See  X  5.) 

3  Give  sixty  words  in  three  minutes.     (Record  on  back.) 

4  Rhymes  (Time  1'  each.)     (3  rhymes  with  each  word.) 

day  mill 

spring 

5  Puts  dissected  sentences  together.     (Time  V  each.) 
a.  b. 


XII 

2  Repeats  29  6  437  5.     928516  4.     139584  7. 

Defines  Charity 
Justice 
Goodness. 

3  Repeats,  "  I  saw  in  the  street  a  pretty  little  dog.     He  had  curly  brown  hair, 

short  legs  and  a  long  tail. " 

4  Resists  suggestion  (Lines) .     1.         2.         3.         4.         5.         6. 

5  Problems:     (a)  Hanging  from  limb,     (b)  Neighbor's  visitors. 


1 

2 
3 

4 

XV 
Interprets  picture. 

Change  clock  hands.             6.20  =             2.56  = 
Code.     COME  QUICKLY. 
Opposites. 

1  good             3     quick             5     big                  7     white 

2  outside         4     tall                 6     loud               8     light 

1?  te" 

ADULT 

1  Cutting  paper. 

2  Reversed  triangle. 

3  Gives  differences  of  abstract  words. 

4  Difference  between  president  of  a  republic  and  a  king. 
6     Gives  sense  of  a  selection  read. 


294 


VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 


Suggestions  Towaed  a  Vocational  Psychograph 

List  of  Measurements  on  a  Singer 
(Prepared  by  C.  E.  Seashore,  University  of  Iowa) 


I— SENSORY 
A— PITCH 

1 — Discrimination  at  a,  435 
vd. 

2 — Survey    of    register    of 
discrimination. 

3 — Tonal  range,  (a)  Upper, 
(b)  Lower. 

4 — Timbre — discrimination. 

5 — Consonance   and   Disso- 
nance. 

II— MOTOR 

A— PITCH 

1 — Striking  a  note 

2 — Varying  a  tone 

3 — Singing  intervals 

4 — Sustaining  a  tone 

5 — Registers 

6— Timbre 

a — purity 
b — richness 
c — mellowness 
d — clearness 
e — flexibility 

7 — ^Plasticity;      curves     of 
learning 

III— ASSOCIATIONAL 

A— IMAGERY 
1— Type 

2 — Role    of    auditory    and 
motor  imagery 

B— MEMORY 
1 — Memory  span 
2 — Retention 
3 — Redintegsation 


B— INTENSITY 

1 — Sensibility 
2 — Discrimination 

C — TIME  discrimination  for 
short  intervals. 


B— INTENSITY 
1 — Natural     strength     and 

volume  of  the  voice. 
2 — Voluntary  control. 


C—TIME 

1 — Motor  ability 
2 — Transition  and  attack 
3 — Singing  in  time 
4 — Singing  in  rhythm 


—IDEATION 
1 — Association     type     and 

musical  content 
2 — Musical  grasp 
3 — Creative  imagination 
4 — Plasticity :      curves     of 

learning 


TESTS,  BLANKS,  STANDARDS,  FORMS     295 

lY— AFFECTIVE 

A— LIKES  AND  DISLIKES,— ehaTajcter  of  musical  appeal 

1 — Pitch,  timbre  and  hannony 

2 — Intensity  and  volume 

3 — Time  and  rhythm 
B— REACTION  TO  MUSICAL  EFFECT 
C— POWER  OF  INTERPRETATION  IN  SINGING 

V— SUPPLEMENTARY  Z)^r^,— biographical  information, 
musical  training,  temperament  and  attitude,  spontaneous 
tendencies  in  pursuit  of  music,  general  education  and  non- 
musical  accomplishments,  social  circumstances,  physique. 

Thorndikb's  Proposed  Tests  for  the  Measurement  02* 

Intelligence  of  Adults 

(Science,  Jan.  24,  1913) 

Series  to  consist  of  eight  tests,,  four  trials  of  each  being 
given. 

1.  Supplying  words  to  make  sense  in  mutilated  pas- 

sages, the  four  trials  being  of  four  grades  of  dif- 
ficulty. ( See  Trabue  's  Completion  Test  for  sample 
of  this  material.) 

2.  Giving  the  ''opposites'*  of  words,  each  trial  com- 

prising twenty  words,  the  four  trials  being  of 
four  grades  of  difficulty.  ( See  Woodworth-Wells : 
Opposites  Tests  for  sample.) 

3.  Memorizing  a  given  word  in  connection  with  a  given 

form,  so  as  to  be  able  to  give  the  former  when  the 
latter  is  presented,  there  being  10  pairs  in  each 
*' trial."     (See  special  blanks.) 

4.  Selecting  from  50  forms  a  group  of  25  of  these 

which  have  been  previously  seen  and  examined 
for  a  minute  or  two.     (See  special  blanks.) 

5.  Marking  the  necessarily  false  statements  in  mixed 

series  of  false  and  true  statements,  the  four  trials 


VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

being  of  four  grades  of  difSeulty.     (See  special 
blanks.) 

6.  Addition.   (See  Woodworth- Wells:  Addition  Tests.) 

7.  Directions  Tests.     (See  Woodworth- Wells :     Hard 

Directions. ) 

8.  Selecting  valid  from  invalid  reasons  for  a  given 

fact,  the  four  tests  being  of  four  grades  of  dif- 
ficulty.    (See  special  blank.) 

Miscellaneous  Empirical  Tests 

The  following  samples,  chosen  from  the  Report  of  the 
Committee  on  Standardization  of  Tests  of  the  American 
Psychological  Association  (see  Woodworth  and  Wells: 
Association  Tests),  are  given  as  illustrations  of  tests 
which  have  been  carefully  prepared  and  standardized  as 
to  content  and  procedure  and  which  are  slowly  being  cor- 
related with  various  types  of  occupational  activity. 

Following  Instructions  Test 

With  your  pencU  make  a  dot  over  any  one  of  these 
letters,  F  G  H  I  J,  and  a  comma  after  the  longest  of 
these  three  words:     BOY  MOTHER  GIRL.     Then,  if 

Christmas  comes  in  March,  make  a  cross  right  here , 

but  if  not,  pass  along  to  the  next  question,  and  tell  where 
the  sun  rises .  If  you  believe  that  Edison  dis- 
covered America,  cross  out  what  you  just  wrote,  but  if  it 
was  someone  else,  put  in  a  number  to  complete  this  sen- 
tence :  * '  A  horse  has feet. ' '  Write  ' '  yes, ' '  no  mat- 
ter whether  China  is  in  Africa  or  not ;  and  then 

give  a  wrong  answer  to  this  question :  * '  How  many  days 
are  there  in  the  week  ? ' ' .    Write  any  letter  except 


TESTS,  BLANKS,  STANDARDS,  FORMS  297 


G  just  after  this  comma  , 
two  times  five  are  ten  — 


and  then  write  **No''  if 
.    Now,  if  Tuesday  comes 

after  Monday,  make  two  crosses  here ;  but  if  not, 

make  a  circle  here or  else  a  square  here . 

Be  sure  to  make  three  crosses  between  these  two  names 

of  boys:    GEORGE HENRY.    Notice  these  two 

numbers :  3,  5.    If  iron  is  heavier  than  water,  write  the 

larger  number  ,  but  if  iron  is  lighter  write  the 

smaller  number .    Now  show  by  a  cross  when  the 

nights  are  longer:  in  summer?  ;  in  winter?  . 

Give  the  correct  answer  to  this  question:    ''Does  water 

run   uphill?''  ,   and   repeat  your   answer  here 

.    Do  nothing  here  (5  +  7  =  )  unless  you 

skipped  the  preceding  question ;  but  write  the  first  letter 
of  your  first  name  and  the  leist  letter  of  your  last  name 
at  the  end  of  this  line: 


Naming  Opposites 

Verb-Ohject  Test 

In  the  case  of  each  word,  name 

In  the  case  of  each  verb,  su 

the  word  having  the  OPPOSITE 

an    appropriate 

OBJECT, 

MEANING,  as: 

tall — short 

bake — bread 

long 

north 

sing 

read 

soft 

sour 

buHd 

tear 

white 

out 

wear 

throw 

far 

weak 

shoot 

paint 

up 

good 

scold 

mail 

smooth 

after 

win 

Hght 

early 
deaci 

above 

answer 

sail 

sick 

weave 

spin 

hot 

slow 

wink 

lock 

asleep 

large 

mend 

wash 

lost 

rich 

pump 
learn 

bake 

wet 

dark 

spill 

high 

front 

open 

kiss 

dirty 

love 

eat 

polish 

east 

tall 

climb 

sweep 

day 

open 

lend 

fiU 

yes 

summ» 

smoke 

sharpen 

wrong 

new 

singe 

write 

empty 

come 

dig 

chew 

top 

male 

sift 

drive 

298 


VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 


Mixed  Relations 

Give  a  fourth  word  which  shall  have  the  same  relation  to  the  third 
word  that  the  second  has  to  the  first,  as: 

Box — Square       : :  Orange — Round 
East — ^West         ::  Over — Under 
Man — ^Woman    : :  Boy — Girl 


Eye — see 

: :  Ear^ 

Good— bad 

:  Long^ 

Monday — Tuesday 

: :  April — 

Eagle— bird 

:  Shark— 

Dc^-did 

::Se^ 

Eat— bread 

:  Drink — 

Bird — sings 

: :  Dog — 

Fruit — orange 

:  Vegetable— 

Hour — minute 

: :  Minute — 

Sit — chair 

:  Sleep— 

Straw— hat 

: :  Leather — 

Double — ^two 

:  Triple — 

Cloud — rain 

::  Sun— 

England — London 

:  France — 

Hammer — tool 

: :  Dictionary — 

Chew— teeth 

:  Smell — 

Uncle — aunt 

: :  Brother — 

Pen — write 

:  Knife— 

Dog— puppy 

: :  Cat — 

Water — wet 

:  Fire — 

Little— less 

: :  Much — 

He — him 

:  She— 

Wash — face 

: :  Sweep — 

Boat — water 

:  Train — 

House — room 

:1:  Book— 

Crawl — snake 

:  Swim— 

Sky — ^blue 

: :  Grass— 

Horse— colt 

:  Cow— 

Swim — water 

: :  Fly — 

Nose — face 

:  Toe— 

Once — one 

::  Twice — 

Bad — worse 

:  Good— 

Cat— fur 

: :  Bird- 

Hungry— food 

:  Thirsty— 

Pan — tin 

;:  Table— 

Hat— head 

:  Glove — 

Buy — sell 

::  Come — 

Ship — captain 

:  Army — 

Oyster — shell 

: :  Banana — 

Man — woman 

:  Boy — 

TESTS,  BLANKS,  STANDARDS,  FORMS    299 

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300  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

SUBSTITUTION  TEST 
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SOUECES  FOR  TESTS 

Those  who  desire  to  make  use  of  mental  tests  for  voca- 
tional purposes,  or  in  vocational  investigations,  will  find 
suggestive  material,  sets  of  tests,  instructions,  norms,  and 


TESTS,  BLANKS,  STANDARDS,  FORMS  801 

similar  useful  directions  in  the  following  places.  The 
list  is  by  no  means  exhaustive  but  contains  those  refer- 
ences which  in  the  author  ^s  experience  have  been  most 
useful. 

Pyle,  W.  H.:  ^^The  Examination  of  School  Children.'' 
The  author  describes  numerous  tests  of  a  simple 
type,  and  gives  age  norms  for  each. 

Reports  of  Committee  on  Tests  of  the  American  Psy- 
chological Association.  These  appear  from  time  to 
time  in  the  Psychological  Review  Monograph  Series, 
and  contain  accounts,  instructions  and  frequently 
norms,  for  carefully  planned  and  standardized  tests. 

Woodworth  and  Wells:  ''Association  Tests."  This  is 
one  of  the  reports  mentioned  above,  and  contains  an 
especially  suggestive  group  of  tests  which  should 
have  widespread  use  because  of  their  standard  char- 
acter. 

Woolley,  Rusk  and  Fisher:  ''Psychological  Norms  of 
Working  Children."  This  is  a  monograph  in  the 
Psychological  Review  Series  and  gives  an  account 
of  the  tests  in  use  in  Cincinnati,  with  tables  of  norma 
for  thirteen-  and  fourteen-year-olds. 

Simpson,  B.  R. :  "Correlations  of  Mental  Abilities," 
Columbia  University  Cmitrihutions  to  Education, 
No.  53.  The  Appendix  contains  descriptions  of  the 
tests  used ;  many  of  them  are  worth  trying  out. 

Whipple,  G.  M. :  Manual  of  Mental  and  Physical 
Tests."  By  far  the  most  useful  and  complete  com- 
pendium of  tests,  norms,  and  bibliography  available. 
Contains  also  chapters  on  methods  of  using  tests 
and  the  statistical  methods  of  scoring  and  evalua- 
tion. 

Teachers  College,  Columbia  University,  Contributions, 


802  VOCATIONAL  PSYCHOLOGY 

These  monographs  appear  at  irregular  intervals  and 
frequently  contain  reports  of  the  construction  and 
use  of  mental  tests  as  instruments  of  educational 
and  vocational  measurement.  Several  of  them  in 
particular  are  concerned  with  scales  and  standards 
for  the  measurement  of  school  abilities.  Numerous 
tests  may  also  be  secured  in  the  form  of  printed 
blanks,  from  the  Publication  Bureau  of  Teachers 
College. 

Thorndike  Tests:  Numerous  forms  of  mental  tests  de- 
vised by  Prof.  E.  L.  Thorndike  and  his  associates 
may  be  secured  through  the  Teachers  College 
Bureau  of  Publications,  New  York  City. 

Stoelting  and  Co.,  3047  Carroll  Ave.,  Chicago,  manufac- 
turers of  scientific  apparatus  and  materials,  supply 
material  and  forms  for  many  of  the  tests  described 
in  the  above  references. 

The  Morningside  Press,  3000  Broadway,  New  York  City, 
supplies  materials,  instructions,  record  blanks,  and 
tables  of  norms  for  a  large  number  of  psychological 
tests,  especially  those  intended  for  vocational, 
educational  and  clinical  application,  and  for  use  in 
tke  class  room  and  laboratory. 


INDEX  OF  AUTHORS 


Amsden,  128 
Arnold,  236 

BmET,  62,  YO,  T2,  S6 

Cattell,  60,  62,  126,  129, 
136,  138,  157 

COGAN,  48 

Courtis,  232 

Darwin,  229 
Davenport,  129 
Dearborn,  178,  181, 182 
Descartes,  21 

Ellis,  230 

Farrand,  60 

Gall,  24 
Galton,  62 

Harrison,  234 
Harvey,  21 
Henri,  62 

HUYMANS,   129 

HocH,  128 
Hollingworth,  291 

Jastrow,  24,  62 
Jones,  185,  18^ 

Kelley,  177 
Kraepelin,  62 


Lahy,  113,  119 
LaEue,  131 
Lombroso,  37 
Lough,  112,  119 
Lowell,    179,   199,   200,   202, 
135,       204,  205 

McCoMAS,  110,  112 
Meckel,  229 

Miles,  178 
Mill,  224 
MoBius,  224 
Montague,  231 

MtJNSTERBERG,  100,  111,  116 

Nicholson,  193,  195 
Nietzsche,  224 

Norsworthy,    134,    136,    138, 
141 

Partridge,  128 
Paynter,  111 
Pearson,  230 
Pyle,  232 

Rice,  195 
Romanes,  226 

Schneider,  53,  103,  216 
Schopenhauer,  224 
Seashore,  90,  93,  95,  96 
Simon,  69,  70,  72 
Smith,  182,  185 
Spurzheim,  24 
Sylvester,  72 
303 


304 


INDEX  OF  AUTHORS 


Terman,  232 

Thompson,  226 

Thorndike,  74,  111,  127,  180, 

188,  189,  190,  191,  206,  210, 

216,  227 
Toulouse,  81,  88 
Trabue,  71,  78,  232 


yoitsecovsky,  235 
YanDenberg,   179 

Wells,  128,  129,  130 

WlERSMA,   129 
WOOLLEY,  114,  119 

Yerkes,  131 


INDEX  OF  SUBJECTS 


Advancement  in  industry,  219 
Analysis,  of  belief  in  physiog- 
nomic signs,  32  £F. 
of    character,    49,    121    ff., 

133  ff.,  143  ff. 
of  educational  changes,  11 
of  effects  of  practice,  345  ff. 
of   individuals,   18,   121   fP., 

143  ff.,  245  ff. 
of  maternal  instinct,  238 
of   medieval   clairvoyance,   7 
of*  mental  tests,   64,   245   ff. 
of   occupations,    78,    80,    92, 

96  &.,  109  ff.,  208  ff. 
of  phrenology,  26  ff. 
of  primitive  thinking,  2 
of  school  curriculum,  174 
Antecedents  of  vocational  psy- 
chology, 1 
references,  275 
Aptitudes,  of  the  average  indi- 
vidual, 215 
of  the  feeble-minded,  208 
of  the  mentally  inferior,  210 
of  the  specially  gifted,  212 
of  women,  222  ff. 
Attitudinal  factors,  15,  63,  65, 
104,  149  ff.,  190  ff.,  210, 
214  ff.,  237,  270 

Behavior,  judgment  of,  134 

study  of,  57 
Bibliographies,  275-281 
Binet  tests,  nature  of,   69 

record  blank  for,  290 


Brain,  functions  of,  22,  27 
measureme 
size  of,  29 


measurements  of,  30 


Character  analysis,  8 
Clairvoyance,   7  ff. 
Correlation,  formula  for,  45 

meaning  of,  44 

of  ability  to  judge  self  and 
ability  to  judge  others, 
168 

of  elementary  school  stand- 
ing and  later  academic 
achievement,  177  ff. 

of  estimated  traits  and  ob- 
jective measures,  161  ff. 

of    initial    and    final    trials, 
^  246  ff. 

of  judicial  capacity  and  pos- 
session of  traits,  158, 167 

of  mental  tests  and  voca- 
tional ability,  113,  116, 
212 

of  mental  traits,  46,  50,  52, 
161,  164,  169,  171 

of  school  standing  and  suc- 
cess in  later  life,  192  ff. 
Curriculum,    as    a    vocational 
test,  174  ff. 

bibliography  on,  279 

Determinants,  bibliography  on, 
280^ 
of  vocational  aptitude,  208  ff. 


305 


306 


INDEX  OF  SUBJECTS 


Division  of  labor  between  the 
sexes,  223,  240,  242 

Education,  industrial,  15 
popularisation  of,  13 
theory  of,  14 
Employment  bureaus,  47,  141 
Experiments,   on   abilities   and 

interests,  190 
on  brain,  22,  226 
on  college  students,  60,  137 
on  effects  of  practice,  245  &.. 
on  eminent  men,  81,  87,  135, 

138 
on  functional  periodicity,  236 
on   judgments   of   character, 

135-173 
on  mental  defectives,  76 
on  mental  measurement,  67, 

74 
on  mental  tests,  59,  64 
on  musicians,   94 
on  photographs,  41,  48 
on  physiognomies,  53 
on    selecting    employees    by 

psychological      methods, 

78,  110-121,  211  • 
on  self -analysis,  114  &.,  156 
on  sex  differences,  226  ff. 

Form  board,  72 
Fortune  telling,  7 

General  intelligence,  69,  255  ff. 

Individual  differences,  18 
as  affected  by  practice,  245  ff. 
in       vocational       aptitudes, 
208  ff.,  222  ff. 
Intelligence  scales,  bibliogTaphy 
on,  276 
nature  of,  67 
types  of,  69 
vocational  use  of,  75  ff. 


Judgment,    of    associates,    48, 

79,  121  ff.,  133  ff.,  143  ff. 

of  character,  133  ff.,  139  ff., 

143  ff. 
of  photographs,  41,  47,  48 
of  scientific  men,  135 
of  self,  122,  124-133,  143  ff. 
of  students,  137,  143  ff. 
of  teachers,  136 
Localization   of  functions,   22, 
27 


Magic,  examples  of,  3  ff. 

vocational  efforts  of,  1  ff. 
Maternal  instinct,  analysis  of, 

238 
Mental  age,  70 

Mental  defectives,  detection  of, 
75 
education  of,  14 
in  industry,  75,  213 
menace  of,  77 

vocational  aptitudes  of,  208, 
213 
Motives  of  vocational  psychol- 
ogy, 1 
bibliography  on,  275 


Norms     of    performance,     61, 
66    ff.,    73,   79,    91,    94, 
285-293 
bibliography  on,  276 


Occupations,    analysis    of,    92, 
96  ff.,  102,  103,  208  ff. 
bHnd  alley,  16,  210,  218 


Periodicity 

effect    of,     on    mental    and 
motor  ability,  234  ff. 


INDEX  OF  SUBJECTS 


SOT 


Photographs,  experiments  with, 
41,48 
judgments   of,   41,   47,   48 
vocational  use  of,  48,  52 
Phrenology,    assumptions    of, 
26  " 
errors  of,  27-32 
origin  of,  23 
practice  of,  25 
Physiognomies,  analysis  of,  34 
dogmas  of,  39 

experiments    in,   41,   49,   53 
practice  of,  32 
vocational  futility  of,  54 
Practice,  effect  of,  on  individ- 
ual differences,  257  ff. 
limits  of,  256 
on  correlation  of  abilities, 
247 
Primitive    thinking,     examples 
of,  3 
stages  of,  2  ff. 
vocational  efforts  of,  2 
Product  scales,  bibliography  on, 
276 
nature  and  use  of,  74 
PsychooTaph,  bibliography  on, 
277 
nature  of,  80,  88 
of  individuals,  80 
of  a  mathematician,  81  ff. 
of  a  novelist,  86 
of    occupation,    90,    97,    98, 

102 
of  a  singer,  92 
vocational    use    of,    96,    99, 
107 
Psychological    tests,    bibliogra- 
phy on,  276 
method  of,  61 
of  adults,  210,  248 
of  children,  69,  114 
of  clerical  workers,  110,  111 


Psychological  tests,   of  college 

students,  60,  145 
of  efficiency  experts,  78 
of    factory    operators,    111, 

115 
of  judges.  111 
of  marine  officers,  112 
of  motormen,  112 
of  musical  ability,  94 
of   Poincare,   81   ff. 
of  a  singer,  92 
of  stenographers,  113 
of  salesmen.  111 
of  telephone  operators,  110, 

112 
of  typesetters,  111 
of  typewriters,  113,  114 
of  Zola,  86 
origin    and    history    of, 

57  ff. 
samples  of,  284-300 
scales  of,  67  ff. 
standardization  of,  63,  67 
sources   of,   and  instructions 

for,  300-302 
tests  of,  64 
theory  of,  245  ff. 
vocational  use  of,  60,  66,  75, 

78,   80   ff.,   90,   109-121, 

210,  218,  261 


Scales,  bibliography  on,  276 

for    measuring    intelligence, 
67 

for  measuring  special  achieve- 
ment, 74  ff. 

samples  of,  285-293 

use  of,  75 
School  records,  as  indicative  of 
interests,  190  ff. 

as  related  to  later  academic 
achievement,  177  ff. 


808 


INDEX  OF  SUBJECTS 


School   records,    as   related   to 
success     in     later     life, 

192  fe. 

bibliography  on,  279 
correlation    of,    with    tests, 

165 
intercorrelation   of,   172 
vocational     significance     of, 

174  E. 
Selection,    of    an    occupation, 

12  ff.,  102,  104,  123 
of  employees,  53,  75,  78,  99, 

110-113,   115,   133,   210, 

211,  219,  240 
Self-analysis,  bibliography  on, 

278 
method  of,  122 
problems  of,  124 
reliability  of,  149  ff. 
systematic  guides  to,  125-133 
Sex     differences,     bibliography 

on,  280 
in  average  intelligence,  225  ff. 
in  instinctive  equipment,  237 
in  physiological  function,  242 
in  special  handicaps,  234 
in  variability,  228  ff. 
in     vocational     opportunity, 

240  ff. 


Testimonials,  142,  173 
Tests.    See  Psychological  tests 
Theory,  bibliogi'aphy  on,  281 
of  mental  tests,  245 


Variation,  in  ability,  228  ff. 
in  judgment,  43,  51,  134, 13( 
138  ff. 


Variation,  measures  of,  42 
of    individual    performance^ 

251 
of  self -estimates,  149  E. 
Vocational    aptitudes,    bibliog- 
raphy on,  280 
determinants  of,  208  ff. 
of  women,  222  ff. 
Vocational  guidance,  11 
Vocational     methods,     bibliog- 
raphy on,  278 
specialized  forms,  109  ff. 
analogy.  111,  118 
correlations,   112  ff. 
miniature,  109,  116 
samples,  110,  117 
Vocational  psychology,  bibliog- 
raphy on,  275  ff. 
motives  and  antecedents  of, 

1  ff. 
present  status  of,  267  ff. 
problems  of,  266  ff. 
progress  of,  274 
Vocational  surveys,  17 
Vocational  training,  16 


Women,  bibliography,  280 
biological   handicap   of, 

242  ff. 
future  of,  244 
in  industry,   222 
instinctive      equipment      of, 

237  ff. 
mental  abilities  of,  228 
special     disabilities     o  f , 

234  ff. 
variability  of,  228  ff. 
vocational       aptitudes       of, 

223    ff. 


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